Nebuchadnezzar_IIs_Prism_ES_7834_a_new

Prévia do material em texto

196 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva
Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834):
A New Edition
Abstract: The Nebuchadnezzar II prism EK 7834 (Istanbul Archaeological Museum) is an unusual royal inscription. It
refers to the building works to enlarge the Old Palace at Babylon, and it is stylistically related to the Nebuchadnezzar
building inscription preserved on cylinder C34. But EK 7834 also contains long lists of provincial and imperial officials,
which can be used as a base to study the administrative structures of the Neo-Babylonian state.
Nebuchadnezzar’s Prism, known in the literature as the
Hofkalender, is a building inscription on a fragmentary
prism that originally had eight columns (or sides), of
which only six are preserved.1 Prisms of this kind2 were
very common supports for Neo-Assyrian royal inscrip-
tions, but highly unusual in the case of Babylonian royal
texts; in fact, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism is the only
known example of a Babylonian royal inscription of this
kind. The piece, currently preserved at the Istanbul Ar-
chaeological Museum, was found in the western annex
building (westlicher Erweiterungsbau) of the South Palace
(Südburg) in Babylon. Also known as the Old Palace,3 this
building had been constructed by Nabopolassar (626–605
BC) and later expanded by Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562
1 This paper is based on research conducted under the auspices of
the ICREA Academia research prize awarded by the Catalan govern-
ment. I thank the General Directorate of Antiquities of Turkey and the
Istanbul Archaeological Museum for granting me permission to study
and collate EK 7834 in October 2011, and for allowing its publication
in the present article. I am indebted to H. Hanci for her assistance
with the Turkish documentation, to H. D. Baker for information on ar-
chaeological questions concerning the alleged find-spot of the ob-
ject, and to M. Jursa, G. Rubio and M. Weszeli for remarks and sugges-
tions, which have improved my understanding of the inscription. I
would like to give special thanks to R. Kovacs for reconstructing the
gripping story of the C34 cylinder for me. Abbreviations follow the
standard abbreviations in the Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental In-
stitute of the University of Chicago (CAD). With the exception of the
texts of Nabonidus, which are cited according to Schaudig’s 2001
publication (AOAT 256), all the Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions are
cited in this article according to the catalogue in Da Riva (2008).
2 In this article, EK 7834 will be called the Prism, or Nebuchadnez-
zar’s Prism, when referring to the inscription, unless the reference is
to the piece as a geometrical object, in which case I use the term
“prism” without capitalization.
3 The Old Palace was referred to in some texts as the palace in Ka-
dingirra, the area of the city where it stood; for instance, C29/2 i
23–24: i-na er-sé-et ká.dingir.raki / fa qé-re-eb ba-bi-lamki, “(…) in
the district of Kadingirra, which is in Babylon (…).” See also WBC viii
52–53 and commentary by Da Riva (2012, 79f.).
BC) in or before his seventh year,4 according to the date
mentioned in the Prism, before he decided to build a new
one (the Hauptburg or Nordburg) outside the inner wall
system.5
In its inumifu-section, EK 7834 records enlargement
works done in the Old Palace; in the preceding inuma-sec-
tion, it also includes the usual description of other con-
struction projects undertaken by the king in several Babylo-
nian cities, as well as a detailed account of the offerings
made to various gods of the land. These are the usual fea-
tures one would expect in texts of this kind, and in this re-
spect EK 7834 may seem a standard Neo-Babylonian build-
ing inscription. Moreover, the text is very similar to the
inscription on Nebuchadnezzar cylinder C34, which will
also be edited and discussed here. However, there are cer-
tain features that make EK 7834 stand out among the rest of
the Neo-Babylonian corpus of royal inscriptions. For in-
stance, it is written on a prism; it bears a date, a highly un-
usual feature in texts of this kind;6 it refers to amounts
4 Nabopolassar’s construction of the South Palace is often men-
tioned in the inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar referring to his own
works on the building: see the texts in Da Riva (2008): nos. B12, B16,
C011 and C29. For the excavations of the palace, see Koldewey (1931).
A group of economic documents known as the “Palace Archive”,
dated to the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, was also found in the South
Palace (Da Riva 2008, 72; Jursa 2010a, 68f.). For other texts regarding
the South Palace, see Koldewey (1931, 29–32).
5 Nebuchadnezzar began the construction of the North Palace be-
tween his 16th and 19th regnal years and did not finish it before 576 BC,
his 29th regnal year (Kleber 2008, 159–61). The building of the Haupt-
burg is commemorated in the following texts: C34, C35, C024, C025
and ST (Da Riva 2008), and mentioned in the introductory sections of
many other Nebuchadnezzar inscriptions.
6 Da Riva (2008, 68). The date in ii 25H does not refer to the year in
which the inscription was written, or the year when the palace was
enlarged, but to the year (598 BC) in which the storehouse of the pal-
ace and those of the Esagil were filled with the products referred to in
the text. One would then assume that by 598 BC a good part of Ne-
buchadnezzar’s palace was already built.
DOI 10.1515/za-2013-0005 Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 2013; 103(2): 196–229
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 197
of products in a way that is also unusual; and, finally
and more importantly, it contains extraordinary lists of
court officials and chief dignitaries of the state who had
contributed to the construction of the palace. These lists
are added to the text after the concluding section of
the building inscription (Prism v* 10H–20H), by means of
the introductory passage v* 21H–34H, in a very unusual
compositional “collage”. Although the lists, like the in-
scription, are fragmentary, they are considered the best
source for reconstructing and studying the adminis-
trative structure of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. The offi-
cials mentioned in them can be divided into palace offi-
cials, governors of provinces and tribal areas, and
officials in charge of the Babylonian cities. As Jursa has
recently observed, these three groups represent the three
principal parts into which the Babylonian Empire was di-
vided (in press, 7–15).
1 The Current State of the
Nebuchadnezzar Prism
The clay prism, a polyhedron of eight sides (of which only
six are preserved), is made of several fragments joined to-
gether. Some time after Unger’s 1931 edition was pub-
lished, a new fragment was added to the original join
(Berger 1973, 59. 313), but the whole text has never been re-
edited with the inclusion of this new fragment. This new
fragment contains sections of column iii* (iiH) (the lower
left-hand side of the column) and a section of the preced-
ing column, column ii* (iH).
The base of the prism measures 23.6 cm in diameter
and has a maximum preserved height of 23.4 cm. The
piece is hollow and the marks of the potter’s wheel can
be seen in the inside of the prism. The side of column v*
is the tallest preserved. The wall of the prism goes out-
wards from the bottom to the upper part of the column
and there the vertical plane slopes inwards; the side is
broken at that precise place. In my opinion, the point at
which the vertical plane changes direction can be con-
sidered the middle section of the side of the prism. I be-
lieve the prism was originally twice its current size, and
would have measured some 45 or 50 cm in height. In my
estimation, the preserved object contains approximately
one third of the original text, and two thirds of the prism
are missing.
In column iii*, about a quarter of the original text is
preserved in the lower part of that side; columns iv*–vi*
have around˘
é.gále
24H in qé-re-eb ma-ti -ja ú-fe-e-pi
25H in se-bu-tim fa-at-ti-ja 1 lim 1 lim fe-im
26H 1 me 10+[x]+10 lim zú.lum.ma 20 lim sa-ap-pa-
a-ti ka-ra- nam
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ] [ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
fish]; wild [birds;] bandicoot rat; [eggs: the best things of
the] marsh; [honey; ghee; milk]; the best oil; [fad]û-
[wine], pure wine: [(all of this)] I] provided [more lavishly
than before for the table of my lords Nabû and] Nanaja.
(15H–18H) I established [every day eight sheep, as regular of-
ferings] for Nergal [and Las, the gods of E]meslam }and
Cutha≠, I provided abundantly [for the offerings of the]
great [gods], I increased the regular offerings [beyond the
old offerings].
(19H–23H) [The Ebabbar of] Sippar, that I re[newed for
Åamaå, who loves my] kingship, (and) who en[larges the
light]. For my [lord Åamaå], I built, Ebabbar, [his] temple
in Larsa.
(24H–27H) I built the Ekiånu[gal of] Ur, for the lord Sîn, who
loves my kingship. For Bel-sarbi, who pronounces posi-
tive utterances on my behalf, I built the Edur[gi]na, his
temple in Bas.
(28H) (…) who store barley in great piles. (…).
Col. iv* (…) (1H–5H) [bandi]coot rat; [eggs; fish; wild birds]:
the best [of the marsh]; countless [libations] of beer; [wine
as] if water: [year]ly (all that) constantly passed across in
front of them in plenty and abundance.
(6H–12H) Regarding the widespread peoples that my lord
Marduk had entrusted to me, by means of the understand-
ing that Ea bestowed upon me, I was solicitous for them
with the outmost care, I directed them on the proper
course and toward the correct behaviour.
(13H–17H) They prospered under my Fedu-spirit, they re-
joiced under my Lamassu-spirit; I spread a roof over them
in the wind, a canopy in the storm, and I made them all
bow to Babylon.
(18H–24H) I received inside it (Babylon) the tribute of the
lands, the yield of the mountain, the produce of all the
lands. I united all mankind peacefully under its (Baby-
lon’s) everlasting protection. I heaped up for it (Babylon)
great and unnumbered grain-heaps. I established in my
land a plentiful reign, years of abundance.
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 211
1. Zeile
Überhang
27H in qé-[re]- eb é-sag-íl ak-ku-ru- un
28H 2 lim lim fe -im 1 me lim zú.lum.ma
29H 1 .10+[x?] lim tu(?) x [x (x) s]a-ap-pa-ti ka- ra-
nam
30H [x x x ina qé-r]e-eb é.gal-ja
31H [x x x x a]k-ku-ru-}un≠
32H in a x [x x x x x] x dingir ba-ni-ja
33H ù ì- lí [x x x x x x x] x
34H bé-e-lu-ú fi-ma-a-ti a-fi-ib (?)-[bu x x]
35H fa in gi-mi-ir4 li-ib-bi-ja ki-[nim]
36H az-nu-nu ma-äa-zi-fu-n[u o]
(End of col. iv*)
Column v* (ivH)
1H [i-na ku-up-ri ù a-gu]- úr -[ri o]
2H [ú-za-aq-qí-ir-fa ä]u-úr-sa-ni-i[f o]
3H [giåerin.giåerin] da-nu4-tim
4H [a-na su-lu-li]- fa ú-fa-at-ri-is
5H [bàd da-nu4] in ku-up-ri
6H [ù a-g]ur-ru ú-fa-às-äi-ir-fa
7H [pa-ra-as fa]r-ru-ti (erasure) fu-lu-uä bé-e-lu-ti
8H [in li-ib]-bi-fa ú-fa-pa-am
9H [af-fi qá-ta]-am ú-sa-al-la-a en en.en
10H [a-na damar.utu r]e-em-ni-i i-li-ku su- pu -ú-a
11H [en ma.] da.ma. da damar.utu fi-mi sí-it pí-ja
12H é e -pú- fu la-la-fa lu-uf-bi
13H in ba-bi-[lam]ki in qé-er4-bi-fa
14H fi-bu-ú-ti lu-uk-fu-ud
15H lu-uf- ba -a li-it-tu-ti
16H fa fa- ra -a-ni ki-ib-ra-a-tim
17H fa ka-[la] te-ne-fe-e-tim
18H bi-la-su-nu [ka]- bi -it-ti lu-um-äu-úr qé-re-bi-fa
19H li-pu-ú- a in qé-re-bi-fa a-na da-rí-a-tim
20H sa-al-ma- at qá-qá-dam li-bé-e-lu
21H if-tu ti- a -am-tim e-li-ti
22H a-di ti- a -am-tim fap-li-ti
23H ma.da.ma.da kà-la-fi-na
24H fa damar.utu bé-e-la ja-ti if-ru-kam
25H in qí-bí- ti -fu sí-ir4-tim
26H bi-la-si- na ka-bi-it-ti
27H ú-fe-ri-ba a-na ma- aä -ri-fu
28H a-na e-pé-fum e-ka-al-lam
29H é ta-ab-ra-at ni-fim
30H mu-fa- ab far-ru4-ti-ja
31H giåal-lam ad-di-in-fu-nu-fi-im-ma
32H ú-fa-as-bi- it -su-nu -ti pí-il-ka-a-ti
33H x x x x x x sí-bi-it-ti du-ul-lu
34H ma-an-za-zu fa re-e-fi-ja ú-fa-às-bi-it
35H m(empty) lúma-fe-en-num
36H mdag-numun-i-din-nam lúgal nu-uä-tim-mu
37H mdag- numun -ib-ni lúgal ka-si-ri
38H m[x x]- x x -kin(?)-na-aä lú fá pa -an é.gal
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ] [
]
[ ] [ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
(25H–31H) In my seventh (regnal) year, I stored inside Esagil
1,000,000 (measures of) barley, 120,000+ (measures of)
dates, 20,000 sappatu-vessels of wine. I stored inside
my palace 2,000,000 (measures of) barley, 100,000
(measures of) dates, 70+(?) (…) sappatu-vessels of wine.
(32H–36H) (…) the god who created me and the gods (…) the
lords of destinies, the ones who dwell (…) that with all my
true heart, I provided for their cultic centres.
Col. v* (…) (1H–6H) [I built it high] like a mountain [with
bitumen and baked bricks]. I stretched strong [cedars for
its roofing], I surrounded it [with a strong wall] of bitumen
[and baked] bricks.
(7H–10H) I proclaimed the royal [rites] and the lordly cer-
emonies [inside] of it (the newly built palace). [I raised my]
hands, I implored to the lord of lords, [to the] merciful
[Marduk] went my prayers.
(11H–20H) O Marduk, [lord] of the lands, listen to my utter-
ances! May I enjoy the palace I made! May I attain old age
in it, in Babylon! May I have the satisfaction of growing
very old! May I receive inside it the rich tribute of the kings
of the regions of the whole inhabited world! May my
offspring rule forever inside it over the black-headed
(people)!
(21H–27H) From the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea, all the lands
than Marduk gave me (to rule) by his lofty command, I
brought before him their rich tribute.
(28H–34H) In order to build the palace, a house for the
amazement of the people, my royal abode, I gave to them
the hoe, and I made them take up the work building walls
(…) the implementation of the corvée work I assigned my
personal officials:
(35H–40H) (PN), the high administrator; Nabû-zer-iddin, the
chief baker; Nabû-zer-ibni, the chief treasurer; X-
(mu)k\n(?)-a3i, the palace superintendent; Sîn-abu-usur,
the major domus; Atkal-ana-mar-Esagil, the chief of the
royal guard.
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
212 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
Fi
g
s 
5,
 6
: E
K
 7
8
34
, c
ol
um
n 
iv
* 
(i
iiH
)
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 213
39H men.zu- ad -[ú-s]ur lú gal é
40H mat-kal-a-na-dumu-é-sag-íl- lu(!) en(!) lúta -bi- äime
(End. of col. v*)
Column vi* (vH)
1H m x [x] x [x x x x]
2H mina-qi-bi-it-den-ak- fu-ud lú [x x x]
3H mden-e-ri-if lúgal [níg.ka9]
4H mar-di-ja lúma-fe-en-num fa é munusšà.é. gal
5 mden-ú-ba-al-li-it lúdub.sar
6H fa é munusšà.é.gal
7H msí-il-la-a lúgal re-e-di ki-ib- si
8H mdag -šeš-ú-sur lú gal ka-al- la -bi
9H mmu -fal-lim-damar.utu dumu-fú fá mdag-ú-fi-
ib -fi
10H me-ri-ib-fu lúgal a-mi-la-a-ti
11H mdag-en-ú-sur lúgal a-mi-la-a-ti
12H mdag-numun-i-bi-in lúšu.du8.a
13H mdu.gur-re-sú-ú-a lúgal za-am-ma-ri
14H már-di-dag lúse-pi-ri fa dumu lugal
15H mdé-a-i-lu-ni lúgal bu-ú- lu
16H mre-mu-tu lúgal bu-ú- lu
17H mdag-dumu-lugal-ú-sur lúgal ma-la- äa
18H mäa-nu-nu lúgal dam.gàr lugal
19H lúgalmeå fa ma-at ak-ka-di-im
20H mdé-a-da-a-a-an lú(erasure)gar.kur (erasure) tam-tim
21H mdu.gur-lugal-ú-sur (erasure) d30-ma-gi-ir
22H msumna-šeš fa kurtu-up- li -ja-já-àf
23H mden-mu-garun fa kurpu-qu-du
24H mbi-bé-e-a dumu mda-ku-ru
25H msumna-šeš lúé.bar bàd.dingirki
26H mdamar.utu-lugal-ú-sur fa kur(!)ga-am-bu-lum
27H mdamar.utu-lugal-a-ni lúen.nam
28H fa su-ma-an-da-ar
29H mden-le-u5-um dumu ma-mu-ka-nim
30H mre-mu-tu fa-ak-ka(!)-nu fa kurza-mé-e
31H mdag-kar-zimeå fa -ak-nu
32H fa [kurja-ap-t]i-ri
(End of col. vi*)
Column vii*(viH)
1H m i-rib -bi-dzuen lúé .[bar x]
2H mmu-fe-zi-ib-den lúé.b[ar x x]
3H m(empty) lúé.bar uru [x x]
4H mfu-um-ki-i-nim lúé.bar urubàd -j[a-ki-nu]
5H mba-ni-ja lúé.bar uruli-mì-t[u]
6H mdamar.utu-numun-i-bí-in lúé.bar uruma-ad-a-ka-
al-f[u]
7H m fu -la-a lúé.bar uruné-mé-ed-la-gu-da
8H mfu-ma-a lúé.bar uruku-ul-la-bi
9H mdigi.du-numun-i-bí-in lúé.bar uruú-da-an-nim
10H mdamar.utu-e-ri-if lúé.bar urula-ar-sa
11H mdag-ki-in-ibila lúé.bar uruki-is-si-(erasure)-ik
[ ] [ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
Col. vi* (…) (1H–18H) … […]; Ina-q\bit-Bel-akåud […]; Bel-
ereå the chief [of accounts]; Ardia, the high administrator
of the house of the women of the palace; Bel-uballi5, the
scribe of the house of the women of the palace; Sillaja, the
chief tracker; Nabû-a3-usur, the chief of the light cavalry;
Muåallim-Marduk, son of Nabû-uåebåi; Er\båu, the super-
visor of the (female) domestic staff; Nabû-bel-usur, the
supervisor of the (female) domestic staff; Nabû-zer-ibni,
the cupbearer; Nergal-resû#a, the chief singer; Arad-Nabû,
the alphabet scribe of the crown prince; Ea-iluni, the
supervisor of the (royal) flocks; Remutu, the supervisor of
the (royal) flocks; Nabû-mar-åarru-usur, the chief boat-
man; 2anunu, the chief of royal merchants.
(19H–32H) The magnates of the land of Akkad: Ea-dayyan,
the governor of the Sealand; Nergal-åarru-usur, the sim-
magir; Nadin-a3i, (governor) of 4uplijaå; Bel-åum-iåkun
(governor) of Puqudu; Bibea descendant (= governor) of
Dakkuru; Nadin-a3i, the fangû of Der; Marduk-åarra-usur
(governor) of Gambulu; Marduk-åarrani, the bel piäati of
Sumandar; Bel-le’i, descendant (= governor) of Amuk-
kanu; Remutu, the faknu of Zamê; Nabû-e5ir-napåati, the
faknu of Japt\ru.
Col. vii* (…) (1H–12H) Er\b-Sîn, the fan[gû of …]; Muåezib-
Bel, the fan[gû of …]; (PN), the fangû [of …]; Åum-uk\n, the
fangû of Dur-Y[ak\n]; Banija, the fangû of Lim\tu; Marduk-
zer-ibni, the fangû of Madakalåu; Åulaja, the fangû of
Nemed-Laguda; Åumaja, the fangû of Kullab; Nergal-zer-
ibni, the fangû of Udannu; Marduk-ereå, the fangû of
Larsa; Nabû-(mu)k\n-apli, the fangû of Kissik; Bel-
upa33ir, the fangû of Bakuååu.
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
214 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
Fi
g
s 
7
, 
8
: E
K
 7
8
34
, c
ol
um
n 
v*
 (i
vH
)
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 215
Fi
g
s 
9
, 
10
: E
K
 7
8
34
, c
ol
um
n 
vi
* 
(v
H)
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
216 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
Fi
g
s 
11
, 
12
: E
K
 7
8
34
, c
ol
um
n 
vi
i*
 (v
iH)
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 217
12H mden-ú-pa-aä-äi-ir lúé.bar uruba-ku-uf-fu
13H m(empty) lúqí-i-pi fa uru x x [x]
14H mi-ba-a lúen.nam fa uru bàd -[x x x]
15H mfa-la-am-bé- li lúen.nam f[a x x]
16H mze-ri-ja lúen.nam fa [x x]
17H mza-bi-na-# lúqí-i-pi f[a x x]
18H mfu-ma-a lúqí-i-pi f[a x x]
19H mdiškur-šeš-i-din-nam lúen.nam fa x -[x x]
20H mdag-numun-gi.na fa kura-[x x]
21H mda-num-i-pu- uf lú qí-i-pi fa uru [x x]
22H mden-mu-gar-un lúqí-i-pi fa uru x -[x x]
23H lugal fa kursú-ú[r-ru]
24H lugal fa kuräa-az-z[a-ti]
25H lugal fa kursa-#-d[u-ni]
26H lugal fa kurar-ma-[da]
27H lugal fa kuráf-d[u-du]
28H lugal fa kurmir- x -[x x]
29H lugal fa kur x [x x]
Column viii* is not preserved
Commentary
The present edition is based upon collation of the piece
done in Istanbul in September 2011. Many missing passages
in the text have been restored using other Nebuchadnezzar
inscriptions, particularly the Brisa rock inscription (Da Riva
2012) and cylinder C34. New readings and interpretations of
the text are not marked here with any special sign.
Column ii* (iH) Figs 1, 2
Fragment 5×5.5 cm. Column ii* has ten fragmentary lines
from the lower right side of the column. The last line of the
fragment is probably not the last of the column; there may
have been one or two more lines below it that are now miss-
ing. Weidner (1935–1936, 92) knew about the fragment, but
there is no information in the archives of the IAM about the
author of the join. The fragment deals with work in the
Ezida of Borsippa, probably on Ema3tila, the cella of Nabû.
Work on these structures is described in detail in WBA vi
4–11 and WBA vi 12–50 = WBC iiib 1*–33* (Da Riva 2012).
This column has no parallels in the related text C34,
but the same phrases are found in other Nebuchadnezzar
inscriptions, and most of the fragment has been restored
using the parallel in inscription C36 i 42–44: giåerin.giåerin
pa-ag-lu-ù-tì fa i-na kurla-ab-na-nam qí-if-ti-fu-nu / i-na qa-
ti-ja el-le-e-tì ak-ki-sa-am kù.gi ru-uf-fa-am ú-fa-al-bi-
if-ma na4.na4 ni-sì-iq-tim ú-za-#-in-ma / a-na su-lu-lu
é-maä-ti-la pa-pa-äi dna-bi-um pa-ni fe-la-al-ti-fu-nu ú-fa-
at-ri-is “Strong cedars that I cut with my pure hands in the
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
(13H–22H) (PN), the qipu of […]; Iba, the bel piäati of Dur-[…];
Åalam-beli, the bel piäati of […]; Zeria, the bel piäati of […];
Zabina#, the qipu of […]; Åumaja, the qipu of […]; Adad-
a3-iddin, the bel piäati of […]; Nabû-zer-uk\n of A[…]; Anu-
\puå, the qipu of […]; Bel-åum-iåkun the qipu of […].
(23H–29H) The king of Su[ru]; the king of 2az[zati]; the king
of S\[dunu]; the king of Arma[da]; the king of Aå[dudu];
the king of Mir[…]; the king of […].
Lebanon, their forest, coated with ruddy gold and decor-
ated with precious stones, I had laid as roofing for
Ema3tila, the cella of Nabû, (over) the (decorated) face of
three of them.”
8H The sign before the ma is not a šid, as one would ex-
pect, but a bil. It is a mistake of the scribe who was per-
haps thinking of a form of wabalu instead of rafadu and
got confused.
9H–10H These lines can be restored after C38/1 i 42: i-na
ud.ka.bar ru-uf-fá-a ú-dan-ni-in ri-ik-si-fu-un “I fixed ced-
ars to its architrave, I reinforced its structure with ruddy
bronze.”
Column iii* (iiH) Figs 3, 4
This column has two fragments: the right-hand one
measures 16×6.5 cm and the left-hand one measures
5×2.6 cm. The latter belongs to the joined fragment that
also contains column ii* and is edited here for the first
time. The column is 9.5 cm wide.
1H–27H This passage is similar to the related text C34 ii
21–49.
1H–18H These lines refer to the re-construction and em-
bellishment of the Ezida in Borsippa, and to offerings
given to the gods of Ezida and the gods of Emeslam of
Cutha. The lines are restored from C34 ii 18–39.
More or less identical sections of this passage appear
in many other Nebuchadnezzar inscriptions referring to
work done in temples or shrines dedicated to Nabû and
Nanaja, or in descriptions of offerings made to these gods
of Borsippa, for instance WBC iva 1–14 (Da Riva 2012). See
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
218 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
also the parallels in the text “King of Justice” (AOAT 256,
584 P2. v 4–16), referring, according to Schaudig, to the
E3ul3ul and its gods in 2arran. On these lines, see also
Vanderhooft (1999, 45162). WBA vii 47–54 has a brief refer-
ence to offerings to Nergal and Las, which can also be
found in other texts, such as C34 ii 36–37. Note that these
offerings are omitted from other inscriptions (such as C38,
etc.), although they are partially preserved in NeKA ii 35Hff.
The offerings to Nergal are best reconstructed from the fol-
lowing passage in the Brisa text: “[For] my lord [Nergal,
who puts the arms] of my enemy in fetters, I decorated
[with shining silver the doors of the gate] of his temple the
Emeslam. I cast with [shining silver the threshold and the
nukuåû of] the broad doors and I installed (them) [in hiscella]. I established [the regular offerings of Nergal and]
Las, [the gods of the Emeslam and Cutha]. […] muttaqu-
cake […] gukkallu-sheep […] fattened bulls. I provided
more lavishly than before for [the regular offerings] of my
lords Nergal and Las. To reinforce the security of Emes-
lam, I rebuilt as (it had been) in former times the walls of
the perimeter of the Emeslam and its “buildings” facing
the courtyard. I built the embankment of the moat of
Cutha with bitumen and baked brick, and I surrounded
the city on the outside (with it)” (WBC vii 41–61; Da Riva
2012).
11H–12H These lines diverge from C34 ii 31–33.
12H The precise meaning of fikar sa.tu.um is un-
known (CAD Å/1, 54); I favour the translation fadû-wine
(perhaps “mountain wine”).
14H The verb here is defû D “to provide” (CAD D, 130).
In C34 ii 35, the more or less synonymous but more em-
phatic taäadu G “to flourish,” D “to make rich in, to supply
copiously” (CAD 4, 42–44) is used.
17H The verb fuparzuäu (CAD Å/3, 318; AHw 1279) is
mostly attested in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian in-
scriptions in the context of offerings to the gods.
19H The joined fragment contains the beginning of
lines 19H–27H of column iii*. In line 19H, the broken fragment
between the traces of é and the traces of ud measures
5.5 cm.
19H–28H This passage describing temple construction
in Babylon differs slightly from passages of similar con-
tent in other royal inscriptions, which appear less detailed
than the one in the Prism. An example may be C34 ii
40–59.
20H After the first broken sign ša (?), there is a lacuna
of 5.6 cm before [ša]r.
21H The first signs may be the beginning of an epithet
of the god Åamaå, perhaps murappif nuri “who enlarges/
extends the light” (Tallqvist 1938, 456). After the broken
sign rap and before pú there is a space of 5.3 cm.
[ ]
[ ]
25H There is a gap of 1.6 cm between am and šar, but
no signs are missing.
26H As in the preceding line, the broken section
(lugal.[o] a .tu.gab.liš) contains no missing signs. The
surface may have been damaged before the scribe began
to write the inscription. Note the omission of qa as an
example of the kind of mistakes one can find in this text.
28H Approximately 3.2 cm are missing at the begin-
ning of the last line and it is difficult to reconstruct the
passage due to the lack of parallels. The line does not
really seem to be part of the god list contained in the pre-
vious lines; it may perhaps refer to another god, or to the
king. For the barley piles and the storehouses in the pal-
ace, see also C34 iii 25 and Prism iv* 22H below. The epithet
mugarrin karê can be given to a god, but also to Nebuchad-
nezzar (CAD G 47; CAD K, 227), as in this collection of epi-
thets of “agricultural” nature given to the king, C36 i
10–11: gú-gal-lam qá-ar-dam mu-ma-ak-ki-ri-im qá-ar-ba-
a-tì / ik-ka-ru ki-i-num mu-ga-ri-im ka-re-e bi-it-ru-ù-tì,
“(Nebuchadnezzar is) the valiant gugallu-supervisor who
irrigates the fields, the true farmer who stores barley in im-
mense piles.” For the meaning of gugallu in administrative
texts, see Jursa (2010a, 94. 196).
At the end of the column, between this line and the
edge of the prism, there is a ruling line and an uninscribed
space of 1.7 cm in height.
Column iv* (iiiH) Figs 5, 6
Fragment 22×8.5 cm
1H–5H This passage refers to offerings to Marduk and
Nabû of Esagil (Babylon) and Ezida (Borsippa), the two
major temples of the land. The whole passage is contained
in many Nebuchadnezzar royal inscriptions; one of the
most complete examples appears in the Brisa inscriptions
WBC vii 4–31 (Da Riva 2012), of which a translation is of-
fered here: “For Esagil and Ezida I am always constant: I
constantly strive for the cultic places of the great lord Mar-
duk, my divine creator, and of Nabû, the pre-eminent heir
who loves my kingship. (For) their wonderful festivities,
their grand Ak\tu festival: with gold; silver; precious
stones; splendid (things); bright sapfu, yield of mountain
and sea; my most precious possessions; powerful “un-
blemished” gumaäu-bulls; fine zuluääû (sheep); fattened
sheep; pasillu-sheep; gukkallu-sheep; string of Apsû fish;
wild birds; geese; ducks; marratu-birds; doves; bandicoot
rats; eggs; the best things of the marsh; profuse veg-
etables, the delight of the garden; rosy fruits, the bounty of
the orchard; dates; Dilmun-dates; dried figs; raisins; fi-
nest beer-wort; white honey; ghee; muttaqu-cake; milk;
the best oil; reddish abundance, luxuriant plenty, the best
of the lands; countless libations of beer; wine as if water:
[ ]
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 219
yearly (all that) constantly passed across in front of them
in plenty and abundance.”
6H–12H Similar lines (with changes only in the verb and
the omission of the allusion to Ea) are also found in WBC
viii 27–31: unmeå ra-ap-fa-a-ti fa damar.utu be-lí / ú-ma-al-
lu-um qá-tu-ú-a / i-na dam-qá-a-ti er-te-#-fi-na-a-ti / (30)
ú-us-sa ki-in-nim ri-id-da da-am-qá / ú-fa-as-bi-it-si-na-a-ti
“I shepherded with the utmost care the widespread
peoples that my lord Marduk had handed over to me, I di-
rected them on the proper course and toward the correct
behaviour.”
8H–17H Landsberger already corrected some of Unger’s
readings (1933, 297f.).
13H The sign is actually a da, but it is a mistake for
an id; the form id-mi-qa is parallel to im-mi-ra in line
14H.
17H–24H In WBC viii 33–37 (just before the seventh pres-
entation of the king (T7), Da Riva 2012), one finds these
lines arranged in a shorter form: a -na ba-bi-i-luki ki-fa -
ad- si -na ú -kan-ni-if / a -na si- il-li-fu da-ri-i / (35) ku-
ul-la- at ni-fi ta-bi-if ú-pa-aä-äi -ir / pa-le-e n[u-uä]-fi
mu.an.nameå h
˘
é.gal(sic)la / i-na qé-re -eb ma-a-ti-ja ú- fe -
e-pi “I united all mankind peacefully under its (Babylon’s)
everlasting protection. I brought forth in my land a reign
of plenty, years of abundance.”
18H–22H These lines are echoed in C34 iii 18–26, where
they are placed before the inumifu-clause describing the
construction of the palace.
19H The tribute and the products are said to be re-
ceived inside Babylon, but in other texts they are received
inside the newly rebuilt palace (see p. 256 above). It seems
that in these inscriptions describing the construction of
the palace, the building and the city of Babylon are more
or less used as synonyms.
25H The date in this line (598 BC) is confirmed by col-
lation.
26H There are traces of a u (10) sign before the break
and of another u (10) after the break. So, it could be either
140,000 (1 me nimin lim) or 150,000 (1 me ninnu lim)
dates. My collation shows 20 lim sa-ap-pa-a-ti ka-ra-
nam ; so it is 20,000, and not 30,000, as read by Unger
(1931, 283) and Landsberger (1933, 298).
27H In these contexts, garanu (karanu) is normally
used in the D-stem (CAD G 46f.). Landsberger (1933, 298+4)
reads ak-ku-qa, which he understands as an assimilated
form aknuka and translates “magazinieren,” but in my
opinion that interpretation is wrong.
31H Despite the omission of the last sign, the recon-
struction of the verb (karanu) seems certain.
32H There is a gap of 3.8 cm between the sign after a
and the sign before dingir.
[ ] [ ]
[ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ]
[ ] [ ]
] [ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
33H There is a gap of 5 cm between the third and the
fourth preserved signs.
33H–34H The reconstruction of these two lines is uncer-
tain. In WBA iii 5–6, there is a similar passage: fu-nu-
ti -ma dingir gal .gal / en[me]å fi-ma- a-ti “They (Mar-
duk and Nabû) are indeed are the great gods, the lords of
destinies (…).”
There is an uninscribed space of 1.7 cm at the end of
the column between the ruling line and the edge of the
prism.
Column v* (ivH) Figs. 7, 8
Fragment 23×8.5 cm. As mentioned above, this column,
being the tallest one of the prism preserved, serves to give
an estimation of the original height of the piece when it
was complete.
1H–34H These lines are similar to thepassage of the
inufu-clause and the final prayer of cylinder C34 iii 34–59,
which also deals with the construction of the New Palace.
The beginning of the inufu-clause can be restored after
C34 iii 27–40. The rest of the inufu-clause and the final
prayer in C34 iii are identical to the lines here; one finds
only minor variants in writing.
10H Unusual writings, like [r]e-em-ni-i, are frequent in
this text: v* 38H: -kin(?)-na-aä, uncertain; vii* 4H: mfu-um-
ki-i-nim for Åum-uk\n. I R 65f. (the copy of C34) also pres-
ents a large number of unusual writings, but as that cylin-
der could not be collated one cannot be certain that they
are on the original inscription: C34 i 12: ú-fak-an-if; C34 ii
12; gu-uk-ka-al-am; C34 ii 22: äi-is(!)-ib. See also the obser-
vations regarding the use of signs in Nabonidus inscrip-
tions by Schaudig (2001, 91–97).
11H–20H These lines are the usual closing phrases of
the inscriptions (see C34 below), so it appears that the
building inscription as such ends in v* 20H.
16H–18H This phrase, with some variants, also occurs
in C34 iii 51–55; C35 iii 50–51; and ST x 9–12. It is also used
by Neriglissar in NglC23/1 ii 38–40: fa lugal.lugal ki-ib-
ra-a-ti fa ka-al te-né-fe-e-ti / bi-la-at-su-nu ka-bi-it-ti / (40)
lu-um-äu-úr qé-er-bu-uf-fa. See also the remarks by Van-
derhooft (1999, 46164).
21H–34H These lines have partial parallels in other Ne-
buchadnezzar inscriptions and are inserted here between
the “end” of the inscription and the list of high officials of
the administration, which begins in line 35H. Passages like
this are frequent in inscriptions dealing with important
construction projects, such as walls, ziqqurrats and pal-
aces. These passages always have a similar structure, and
the verbs used are faraku, qiapu, nadanu, and qatum
mullû. They convey the idea of imperial dominion, ex-
pressed through the king’s ability to take on this building
[ ] [ ] [ ]
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
220 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
work through the control of the work force. Here are some
examples from other texts:
– Construction of the Cross Country Walls: C26/2: (i 7)
if-tu ti-a-am-tim e-li-tim / a-di ti-a-am-tim fa-ap-li-tim /
ma.da.ma.da kà-la-fi-na / (10) fa damar.utu be-lí re-e-um-
si-na ja-ti i-dì-nam / i-na ku-ul-la-at ma-ti-ta-an / gi-mi-ir
ka-al da-ad-mi / uruki ká.dingir.raki a-na ni-si-ir-tim af-
ku-un / af-fum ma-as-sa-ar-tim é-sag-íl du-un-nu-nim
“From the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea, all the lands,
whose shepherding Marduk gave to me, the entirety of the
lands, the entirety of all the inhabited world, I established
for the protection of the city of Babylon. In order to rein-
force the defences of Esagil, (…).”
– Construction of the Old Palace: C29/2: (i 30) if-tu ti-
a-am-tim e-li-tim / a-di ti-a-am-tim fa-ap-li-tim / (ii 1)
ma.da.ma.da kà-la-fi-na / fa damar.utu be-lí re-é-ú-si-na
ja-ti if-ru-kam / ni-fim a-fi-ib li-ib-bi-fi-na / ki-i-nim uf-te-
te-fi-ir la ma-gi-ri a-lu-ut / (5) a-na é.gal mu-fa-ab far-
ru4-ti-ja / ki-fa-ad-su-nu ú-ka-an-ni-if-ma / ú-fa-af-fa-a tu-
up-fi-kam “From the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea, all the
lands, whose shepherding Marduk gave to me, I led the
people dwelling in them aright, I curbed the unsubmiss-
ive. I made them bow their necks to the palace, my royal
abode, and I made them carry the tupfikku-basket.”
– Construction of Etemenanki: C41 68*–86*: (68*)
ul-tu ti-a-am-tim / e-li-tim / (70*) a-di ti-a-am-tim / fa-ap-li-
tim / ma.da.ma.da ru-qá-a-tim / ni-fi da-ad-mi ra-ap-fa-
a-tim / lugalmeå fa-di-i ne-su-tim / (75*) ù na-gi-i bé-e-ru-
tim / fa qé-re-eb ti-a-am-tim / e-li-tim / ù fa-ap-li-tim / fa
damar.utu be-lí / (80*) a-na fa-da-ad si-ir-di-fu /sé-ra-at-
si-na / ú-ma-al-lu-ù qá-tu-ú-a / ad-ka-am-ma um-ma-na-at
/ dutu ù damar.utu / (85*) i-na e-pé-fu é-temen-an-ki /
e-mi-id-su-nu-ti tu-up-fi-ik-ku “From the Upper Sea to the
Lower Sea, the distant lands, the people of the extensive
settlements, the kings of the distant mountains, and of the
remote regions, from amidst the Upper and the Lower Sea,
whose reins Marduk entrusted me with to tow his chariot-
pole. I levied the workers of Åamaå and Marduk. I imposed
upon them the tupfikku-basket in order to build Etemen-
anki.” (The inscription C041, dealing with work in the
E’urmeiminanki of Borsippa, has the same phrases and
will not be repeated here.)
29H–30H Parallels to these lines can be found in some
passages of the palace inscriptions C29 and C34 iii 27–30.
C29/2 i 20–24: é.gal é ta-ab-ra-at ni-fi-im / ma-ar-ka-às
ma.da / ku-um-mu e-el-lu at-ma-an far-ru4-ti-ja / i-na
er-se-et ká.dingir.raki / fa qé-re-eb ba-bi-lamki e-pú-uf
“A palace, a house for the astonishment of the people, link
of the land, pure chapel, my royal sanctum, I built in the
district of Kadingirra which is in Babylon.” These lines are
also found in WBC viii 50–53 (Da Riva 2012).
[ ]
32H The word pilku with its meaning “work assignment
building walls” is attested in SB and NA, but not in NB, and
it is not attested in the plural (CAD P 374f.). But note that the
term pilku as “boundary, border” is well documented in the
NB period and in the plural (CAD P 373f.).
33H The beginning of the line could not be restored.
There are several terms for different kinds of work done
for temples and palaces; Beaulieu has collected the refer-
ences to them (2005, 50f.), but these words are used in
economic and administrative texts, while the Prism is
written in a more literary form of Akkadian. For the terms
used here, see CAD D 174 and CAD S 157: “correct corvée
work(?).”
35H After the Personenkeil, there is space for approxi-
mately four signs; there seem to be very faint traces of an
erased sign in that area.
35H–40H See Jursa (2010a, 79).
38H The name of the official mentioned in this line
cannot be reconstructed. The traces point to a reconstruc-
tion of either -mu(?)- or -fá(?)-kin-na-aä, but the sign be-
fore kin is neither a mu nor a gar.
There is an uninscribed gap of 2 cm at the end of the
column between the ruling line and the edge of the prism.
Column vi* (vH) Figs 9, 10
Fragment 21×8.3 cm
1H Unger sees traces of two lines before his line 3, but a
careful collation of the piece reveals only one. This col-
umn has 32 lines in this edition, and not 33 as in Unger’s,
and thus the line numbering here differs from the one
used by Unger and followed by other scholars when refer-
ring to the text.
12H Note the defective writing -i-bi-in for -ib-ni, and
-i-bí-in for -ib-ni in vii* 6H and vii* 9H.
19H See the comments of Jursa (2010a, 68).
21H The sign lú is erased before the dingir.
26H The scribe wrote a lú instead of a kur and tried to
correct it.
Column vii* (viH) Figs 11, 12
Fragment 17.3×8.5 cm
3H There is an empty space of 2.6 cm between the Per-
sonenkeil and the lú. This is not a heading for the follow-
ing enumeration of officials, as Vanderhooft (1999, 95141)
maintains; I rather think the scribe did not know the name
of the fangû and so he could not write it down. The same
can be observed in 13H below.
13H There is an uninscribed space of 2.8 cm between
the Personenkeil and the lú.
23H See Kleber (2008, 141–154), where all the available
documentation on Tyre is summarized and presented.
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 221
28H The city kurmir-[x x] is perhaps to be restored as
Samsimuruma, a city on the Lebanese coast north of Nahr
el-Kalb (Vanderhooft 2003, 239). See also Vanderhooft
(1999, 97) for other possible reconstructions of the name.
29H The bottom of col. vii* is not preserved, but this is
very likely the last line of the column.
4 The Prism and Cylinder C34
C34 (known as the “Middle Hill cylinder”) deals with the
building of the New Palace. It is the closest text we have to
the text written on EK 7834; the likeness between the two
texts is remarkable. Not only do they deal with thesame
topic (palace building), but they also share whole pas-
sages in the different sections of their inscriptions; they
both have very unusual writings, such as sa.tu.um, the
use of ne, read ni5 for the syllable /ni/, or ru4 for /ru/ in the
word farrutu, etc.; they both have omissions, defective
writings, and a rather archaizing use of signs. The diver-
gences between the two inscriptions, however, preclude
the possibility that we are dealing with duplicates. More
probably, C34 and the Prism, were composed using a com-
mon source: a common inscription, or a common set of
passages, phrases and motives.
C34 is described as a hollow clay cylinder inscribed
with contemporary Neo-Babylonian signs in three col-
umns (Berger 1973, 287f.).51 The piece measures 22.2 cm in
length and has a maximum diameter of 12.4 cm. Rawlin-
son published a copy of the inscription (I R 65f.), which is
the basis of the transliteration offered here. The present
whereabouts of the piece is not known and no good photo-
graphs of it are available,52 so no collation of the inscrip-
tion could be made. This cylinder belonged to the Thomas
Phillipps library, and when this library was broken up, the
famous collector Martin Bodmer of Geneva is said to have
bought a Neo-Babylonian cylinder inscription via his
agent the bookseller Heinrich Eisemann (Munby 1960,
108). This purchase would have been made between 1948
and 1954, and one would assume that the cylinder pur-
chased is the one published as I R 65f. since it is uncertain
how many cylinders Phillipps owned. A photo of the
51 According to Vanderhooft (1999, 42149), C34 is a limestone cylin-
der, but he does not mention the source of this statement. Rawlison in
the first edition (I R 65f.), and Berger (1973, 287f.), however, clearly
describe it as a clay cylinder; and there is no example of a Neo-Baby-
lonian cylinder made from a material other than clay.
52 The only photograph of the piece that I know of is published in
Robinson (1948, 133), but it is not good enough to be used for col-
lation purposes. I owe information on the photo to R. Kovacs.
Bodmer cylinder, FMB 00, is published on-line at CDLI
(CDLI no. P427638). But FMB 00 clearly has two columns,
and not three like C34; so it cannot be the I R 65f. cylinder.
The Bodmer collection does not possess another cylin-
der.53 Possibly, Thomas Phillipps had both a large and a
small cylinder, and only one (the small one) ended up in
Geneva. From other sources we know that C34 had been in
the possession of Phillipps: The “Middle Hill cylinder”
was offered for sale by the bookseller William H. Robinson
Ltd. (London) in 1948.54 It is uncertain whether the cylin-
der was sold from the catalogue or was not sold until later.
The description in the catalogue says that it was presumed
to have been excavated by Arabs for the Abbé J. Beau-
champs in 1784 and “at the time that Bellino copied it was
in the possession of Catholic-Armenian Vicar-General of
the bishopric of Ispahan, who had (…) been residing in
Baghdad,” as already noted by Grotefend (Robinson 1948,
132). Bellino was at the time working for Rich, the East
India Company’s resident in Baghdad. Grotefend pub-
lished his copy in 1850; at that time the cylinder was al-
ready in possession of Sir Thomas Phillipps and “had be-
come part of the Bibliotheca Phillipica” (Robinson 1948,
133). The catalogue does not say how it came into Phil-
lipps’ possession, but we know that he owned it before
1850. Phillipps had acquired two cuneiform inscriptions
from Captain Robert Mignan in 1829: Phillipps no. 3902, a
clay cylinder, and no. 3903, part of an inscription exca-
vated at Babylon by Mignan. It is possible that no. 3902 is
the C34 cylinder in question, and that Mignan may have
acquired it from the Armenian Vicar-General and brought
it to London. But there is no proof of this. On the other
hand, in his travel book, Mignan describes finding a per-
fect cylinder in a compartment in a corner of the Kasr, and
he offers a rudimentary drawing of the piece: a cylinder
with three columns (Mignan 1929, 228f.). Of course, it is
uncertain that this cylinder is our C34. According to
Munby (1960, 56. 154), Phillipps sent Mignan back to
Babylonia after 1829 to obtain more inscriptions, which
Mignan did; but then Phillipps argued about the price,
and the box(es) sat around for ten years in the custody of a
manuscript scholar, until Phillipps ultimately took some
of them.
53 É. Pagé-Perron, personal communication.
54 Catalogue 77, 132–134 (no. 127). It was a fixed price catalogue, not
an auction.
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
222 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
Edition of C34
Text
Column i
1) dna-bi-um-ku-du-úr-ri-ú-su-úr far mi-fa-ri-im
2) re-é-a-um ki-i-num mu-ut-ta-ru-ú te-ne-fe-ti
3) mu-uf-te-fi-ir ba-#-la-a-ti den.líl dutu u damar.utu
4) mu-uf-ta-lam a-äi-iz ne-mé-qí mu-uf-te-#-um ba-la-
tam
5) na-a-dam la mu-up-pa-ar-ku-ù
6) za-ni-in é-sag-íl ù é-zi-da
7) dumu dna-bi-um-ibila-ú-su-úr far ba-bi-lamki a-na-
ku
8) ì-nu-um damar.utu en ra-bí-ù a-na be-lu-ut ma.da
9) if-fa-an-ni-ma
10) ni-fim ra-ap-fa-a-ti a-na re-é-ú-ti i-dì-nam
11) a-na damar.utu i-lu ba-ni-ja pa-al-äi-if lu ú-ta-aq-qu
12) a-na fa-a-tam sì-ir-de-e-fu lu ú-fak-an-if ki-fa-dam
13) sa-at-tu-ku-fu du-uf-fu-ú-tim
14) ni-id-ba-a-fu e-el-lu-ú-tim
15) e-li fa pa-nim ú-fa-te-er
16) fa u4-um 1en gu4.mah
˘
(!)e ma-ra-a gu4.šu.du7
17) pu(!)-sa zu-lu-äe-e da-am-qù-tim
18) qá-du-um fa dingir.dingir é-sag-íl ù dingir.
dingir ba-bi-lamki
19) nu-ú-nim is-su-ru ú-fu-um-mu pe-la-a si-ma-at ap-
pa-ri-im
20) di-if-pa-am äi-me-tim fi-iz-bi du-mu-uq fa-am-nim
21) ku-ru-un-num da-af-pa-am fi-ka-ar sa.tu.um
22) ka-ra-nam e-el-lu ka-ra-nam kuri-za-al-lam
23) kurtu-#-im-mu kursi-im-mi-ni kuräi-il-bu-nim
24) kura-ra-na-ba-nim kursu-ú-äa-am
25) kuré-ku-ba-tim ù kurbi-ta-a-tim
26) ki-ma me-e na-a-ri la ni-bi-im
27) i-na giåbanšur(!) damar.utu ù dsar-pa-ni-tum
28) enmeå-e-a lu ú-da-af-fa-am
29) pa-pa-äa fu-ba-at be-lu-ti-fu
30) kù.gi na-am-ra-am fa-al-la-ri-if lu af-ta-ak-ka-an
31) ká.h
˘
i.li.sù kù.gi ú-fa-al-bi-if-ma
32) é a-na dsar-pa-ni-tum be-el-ti-ja
33) ku-uz-ba-am ú-za-#-in
34) é-zi-da fu-ba-at dlugal.dìm.me.er.an.ki.a
35) pa-pa-äa dna-bi-um fa qé-re-eb é-sag-íl
36) si-ip-pu-fu fi-ga-ru-fu ù gif-ká-na-ku-fu
37) kù.gi ú-fa-al-bi-if-ma
38) é ki-ma u4-um lu ú-na-am-mi-ir4
39) é-temen-an-ki zi-qú-ra-at ba-bi-lamki
40) i-na äi-da-a-ti ù re-fa-a-ti e-pú-uf
41) ba-bi-lamki ma-äa-az en ra-bí-ù damar.utu
(i 1–7) Nebuchadnezzar, the king of justice, the true shep-
herd, the leader of the human kind, the one who keeps in
order the subjects of Enlil, Åamaå and Marduk, the ad-
viser, the one who acquires wisdom, the one who strives
for life, the pious, the constant one, the provider for Esagil
and the Ezida, the son of Nabopolassar, the king of Baby-
lon: I am.
(i 8–11) When the great lord Marduk raised me to the lord-
ship of the land, and gave me the shepherding over the ex-
tensive people, I indeed paid reverent attention to Mar-
duk, the god who created me;
(12–15) I verily bent my neck to tow his carrying-pole; I
made his abundant regular-offerings, his pure food-offer-
ings, more plentiful than before:
(16–18) every day: one choice bull, fattened, “unblem-
ished”, (whose body has no) white spot, of the fine zu-
luääû-breed; inclusive of what (pertains to) the gods of the
Esagil and the gods of Babylon:
(19–25) fish; birds; bandicoot rat; eggs: the best thing of
the marshes; honey; ghee; milk; good oil; sweet kurunnu-
wine; fadûm-wine; purest wine, wine of Izalla, of
Tu#immu, of Simiri, of 2ilbunu, of Arnabanu, of Su3u, of
B\t-Kubati and of B\tati:
(26–28) countless, like the waters of the river: (all of this) I
provided copiously for the table of my lords Marduk and
Sarpan\tu.
(29–33) I put brilliant gold as wall plaster in the cella, their
lordly residence: I clothed the Ka3ilisu with gold, I
adorned with luxury (that)sanctuary to my lady Sar-
pan\tu.
(34–38) The Ezida, residence of Lugaldimmerankia (and)
cella of Nabû inside the Esagil, I clothed with gold its door-
jambs, its bolts and its threshold, and I verily made the
temple shine like daylight.
(39–40) I built the Etemenanki, the ziqqurrat of Babylon,
with joy and exultation.
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 223
1. Zeile
Überhang
42) im-gu-úr-den.líl du-úr-fu ra-bí-a-am
43) ú-fa-ak-li-il
44) i-na zag.du8 ká.gal.ká.gal am.am urudu
45) e-ek-du-tim ù muš.h
˘
uš..h
˘
uš fe-zu-zu-ú-ti uf-
zi-iz
46) äi-ri-su aä-re-e-ma fu-pu-ul me-e ak-fu-ud
47) ki-bi-ir-fu in esir.ud(!).du.a ù sig4.al.ùr.ra
48) lu ab-nim
49) za-ra-ti ki-ib-ri fa bàd da-nu4
50) fa ki-ma sa.tu.um la ut-ta-af-fu
51) in esir.ud.du.a ù sig4.al.ùr.ra ú-fe-pí-if
Column ii
1) af-fum ma-as-sa-ar-ti é-sag-íl du-un-nu-nim
2) le-em-nim ù fa-ag-gi-fu
3) a-na ba-bi-lamki la sa-na-qá-am
4) fa ma-na-ma far ma-aä-ri-im la i-pú-fu
5) in ka-ma-at ba-bi-lamki bàd da-nu4
6) ba.la.ar dutu.è ba-bi-lam ú-fa-às-äi-ir
7) äi-ri-su aä-re-e-ma
8) ki-bi-ir-fu in esir.ud.du.a ù sig4.al.ùr.ra
9) ú-za-aq-qi-ir äu-úr-sa-ni-if
10) i-ta-at ba-bi-ki fi-pí-ik sah
˘
ar3i.a ra-bí-ù-tim
11) af-ta-ap-pa-ak-fu
12) mi-li ka-af-fa-am me-e ra-bí-ù-tim
13) ki-ma gi-pí-if ti-a-am-tim ú-fa-al-mi-if
14) ap-pa-ri-am lu uf-ta-às-äi-ir-fu
15) a-na fa-da na-pí-if-ti ni-fim ba-bi-lamki af-ku(!)-nim
16) i-na ma-äa-az ma.dafu-me-rí ù ak-ka-di-im
17) fu-um-fum ú-fa-te-er
18) é-zi-da é ki-i-nim in ba-ar-zi-pà
19) e-ef-fi-if e-pú-uf e-re-nim su-lu-li-fu
20) kù.gi na-am-ra-am ú-fa-al-bi-if
21) in kù.gi kù.babbar na4.na4 ni5-sì-iq-tim
22) e-ra-a giåmes..gan.na e-re-nim
23) ú-za-#-in fi-ki-in-fu dna-bi-um ù dna-na-a
24) in äi-da-a-ti ù re-fa-a-ti
25) fu-ba-at tú-ub li-ib-bi qé-er4-ba-fu ú-fe-fi-ib
26) fa u4-um 1en gu4.mah
˘
(!)e ma-ra-a gu4.šu.du7
27) 16 pa-si-il-lum bi-it-ru-tim
28) qá-du-um fa dingir.dingir ba-ar-zi-pàki
29) i-si-iä nu-ú-nim is-su-ru-um ú-fu-um-mu
30) pé-la-a sì-ma-at ap-pa-ri-am
31) da-af-pa-am sì-ra-af ku-ru-un-nim
32) fi-ka-ar sa.tu.um ka-ra-nam e-el-lam
33) di-if-pa äi-me-tim fi-iz-ba-am ú-ul fa-am-nim
34) giåbanšur dna-bi-um ù dna-na-a enmeå-e-a
35) e-li fa pa-nim ú-ta-aä-äi-id
36) fa u4-um 8 udu.udu gi-né-e dnè-eri11-gal
37) dla-asdingir.dingir fa é-mes-lam ù gú.du8.aki ú-ki-in
38) sa-at-tu-uk dingir gal.gal uf-pa-ar-zi-iä-ma
39) e-li gi-né-e la-bí-ri gi-na-a ú-fa-te-er
(41–48) (Regarding) Babylon, the cultic centre of the great
lord Marduk, I completed its great wall Imgur-Enlil: I set
up at the doorjambs of its gates powerful wild bulls in
copper and ferocious mufäuffu-dragons; I dug its moat
and reached the depth of the water, I built its banks with
bitumen and baked bricks.
(49–51) I constructed the zaratu of the banks of the great
wall, which like a mountain cannot be shaken, with bitu-
men and baked bricks.
(ii 1–9) In order to reinforce the security of Esagil, so that
an evil man and a murderer would not reach Babylon, (I
did) what no former king had done: in the environs of
Babylon I surrounded Babylon on the east side with a for-
tified wall. I dug its moat and I built its bank with bitumen
and baked brick as high as a mountain.
(10–17) In the outskirts of Babylon, I made a great earthen
dam, and I encircled it with a massive flood of great
waters, like the uprising sea. I surrounded it on all sides
with reed-marshes, and I turned Babylon into a life(-pre-
serving) mountain (refuge) for the people. I made its name
excellent among the cultic centres of Sumer and Akkad.
(18–20) Ezida, the true house, I made anew in Borsippa; I
clothed with brilliant gold the cedars in its roofing.
(21–22) I adorned its structure with gold, silver, precious
stones, copper, musukkannu-wood and cedar-wood.
(23–25) I established Nabû and Nanaja in joy and exul-
tation inside a dwelling of (their) contentment.
(26–30) Every day one fattened, “unblemished” gumaäu-
bull; 16 outstanding pasillu-sheep; inclusive of what (per-
tains) to the gods of Borsippa: string of fish; wild birds;
bandicoot rat; eggs: the best thing of the marsh;
(31–33) sweet beer; kurunnu-wine; fadû-wine; purest wine;
honey; ghee; milk; the best oil:
(34–35) (all of this) I supplied more copiously than before
for the table of my lords Nabû and Nanaja.
(36–39) I established every-day 8 sheep as regular offer-
ings for Nergal (and) Las, the gods of the Emeslam and
Cutha, I provided abundantly for the offerings of the great
gods, I increased the regular offerings beyond the old of-
ferings.
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
224 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
40) é-babbar-ra fa ud.kib.nunki a-na dutu ù da-a
41) bé-e-le-e-a e-ef-fi-if e-pú-uf
42) é-babbar-ra fa la-ar-sa-amki a-na dutu ù da-a
43) enmeå-e-a e-ef-fi-if e-pú-uf
44) é-kif-nu-gál fa urímki a-na dzuen en
45) na-ra-am far-ru4-ti-ja e-ef-fi-if e-pú-uf
46) é-i-bí-da-num fa dil-batki a-na duraš
47) en-ja e-ef-fi-if e-pú-uf
48) é-dúr-gi-na fa uruba-as a-na den-sar-bi
49) en-ja e-ef-fi-if e-pú-uf
50) sì-ma-a-ti re-ef-ta-a-ti
51) bil-lu-de-e qú-ud-mu-ú-tim
52) fa dinnin.unugki be-e-le-et unugki e-el-le-tim
53) ú-te-er af-ru-uf-fu-un
54) a-na unugki fe-e-du-ú-fu
55) a-na é-an-na la-ma-sa fa da-mi-iq-tim ú-te-er
56) te-me-en-na é-an-na la-bí-ri
57) a-äi-it ab-re-e-ma
58) e-li te-me-en-ni-fa la-bí-ri
59) ú-ki-in uf-fu-fa
60) dna-bi-um-ku-du-úr-ri-ú-su-úr
Column iii
1) if-fa-ak-ku sí-i-ri
2) za-ni-in ma-äa-az dingir gal.gal a-na-ku
3) a-na é-sag-íl ù é-zi-da
4) ka-ak-da-a ka-a-a-na-ak
5) à-af-ra-at dna-bi-um ù damar.utu bé-e-le-e-a
6) af-te-né-#-a ka-a-a-nam
7) i-sì-na-a-ti-fu-nu da-am-qá-a-tim
8) a-ki-su-nu ra-bí-tim
9) in gu4.mah
˘
(!)e.gu4.mah
˘
(!)e pa-ag-lu-ti
10) gu4.šu.du7.gu4.šu.du7
11) zu-lu-äe-e da-am-qú(!)-tim
12) im-mé-er mi-ir gu-uk-ka-al-am
13) ú-fu-um-mu pé-e-la-a nu-ú-nim is-su-ru-um
14) sì-ma-at ap-pa-rim
15) ti-bi-ik sì-ra-af la ni5-bi ma-mi-if ka-ra-nam
16) fa-at-ti-fa-am in nu-úä-fi ù h
˘
é.gále
17) in ma-äa-ri-fu-nu e-te-et-ti-iq
18) ni-fim ra-ap-fa-a-ti fa damar.utu bé-e-la
19) ú-ma-al-lu-ú qá-tu-ú-a
20) a-na ba-bi-lamki ú-ka-an-ni-if
21) bi-la-at ma.da.ma.da bi-fi-it sa.tu.um
22) äi-is(!)-ib ta-ma-a-tim qé-er4-ba-fu am-äu-úr
23) a-na si-il-li-fu da-ri-i
24) ku-ul-la-at ni-fim ta-bi-if ú-pa-aä-äi-ir
25) ka(!)-re-e fe-im da-nu4-tim
26) la ni5-bi af-ta-pa-ak-fu
27) ì-nu-fu é.gal mu-fa-ab far-ru4-ti-ja
28) ma-ar-ka-às ni-fim ra-bí-a-tim
29) fu-ba-at re-fa-a-ti ù äi-da-a-tim
(40–41) I renovated the Ebabbar of Sippar for my lords
Åamaå and Aja.
(42–43) I renovated the Ebabbar of Larsa for my lords
Åamaå and Aja.
(44–45) I renovated the Ekiånugal of Ur, for Sîn, the one
who loves my kingship.
(46–47) I renovated the E’ibbi’Anum of Dilbat for my lord
Uraå.
(48–49) I renovated the Edurgina of Bas for my lord Bel-
sarbi.
(50–55) I restored the original symbols and the primordial
cultic rites, of Iåtar-of-Uruk, the pure lady of Uruk;
I restored Fedu to Uruk, and its favourable Lamassu to
E’anna.
(56–59) I examined and found by observation the platform
of the E’anna, and I firmly established its foundations over
the old platform.
(ii 60-iii 2) I am Nebuchadnezzar, the august city-ruler, the
provider for the cultic centres of the great gods.
(3–6) For Esagil and Ezida I am always constant: I con-
stantly strive for the cultic places of my lords Nabû and
Marduk.
(7–17) For the wonderful festivities, their great Ak\tu-fes-
tivals, powerful “unblemished” gumaäu bulls; fine zu-
luääû (sheep); fattened sheep; gukkallu-sheep; bandicoot
rats; eggs; fish; birds: the best of the marsh; countless li-
bations of beer; wine like water: yearly (all that) con-
stantly passed across in front of them in plenty and abun-
dance.
(18–20) Regarding the widespread peoples that my lord
Marduk had handed over to me, I made them submitto
Babylon.
(21–22) I received inside it the tribute of the lands, produce
of the mountains and the yield of the seas.
(23–26) I united all mankind peacefully under its (Baby-
lon’s) everlasting protection. I heaped up for it (mankind)
strong and countless grain heaps.
(27–31) In those days, I made anew in Babylon a palace, my
royal abode, link of the great people, dwelling place of joy
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 225
30) a-far ka-ad-ru-tim uk-ta-an-na-fu
31) i-na ba-bi-lamki e-ef-fi-if e-pú-uf
32) in ki-gal-lam re-ef-ti-im
33) in i-ra-at er4-sé-tim ra-pa-áf-tim
34) in esir.ud.du.a ù sig4.al.ùr.ra
35) ú-fa-ar-fi-id te-me-en-fa
36) e-re-nim da-nu4-tim ul-tu la-ab-na-nim qí-if-tim
37) e-el-le-tim a-na sú-lu-li-fa lu ú-bí-lam
38) bàd da-nu4
39) in esir.ud.du.a ù sig4.al.ùr.ra
40) ú-fa-às-äi-ir-fu
41) pa-ra-as far-ru4-ti fu-lu-uä be-lu-tim
42) i-na li-ib-bi-fa ú-fa-pa-am
43) af-fi qá-ta ú-sa-al-la-a en en.en
44) a-na damar.utu re-mé-ni-i il-li-ku su-pu-ú-a
45) en ma.da.ma.da damar.utu
46) fi-mi si-it pí-ja
47) é e-pú-fu la-la-fa lu-uf-bi-am
48) i-na ba-bi-lamki in qé-er4-bi-fu
49) fi-bu-tu lu-uk-fu-ud
50) lu-uf-ba-a li-it-tu-ti
51) fa lugal.lugal ki-ib-ra-a-tim
52) fa ka-la te-ne-fe-e-ti
53) bi-la-su-nu
54) ka-bi-it-ti
55) lu-um-äu-úr qé-re-eb-fa
56) li-pu-ú-a
57) i-na qé-er4-bi-fa
58) a-na da-rí-a-tim
59) sal-ma-at qá-qá-dam li-bé-e-lu
Commentary to C34
There are several defective writings and omissions in C34,
as well as unusual writings and cases of the uncommon
use of signs. However, it is unclear whether these mistakes
and peculiarities are from Rawlinson’s copy I R 65f. or
from the original cylinder. For this reason, one should be
cautious when using the evidence from the Middle Hill
cylinder.
Column i
34 For the temple, see George (1993, 160 no. 1237).
Column ii
1–15 See Black (1987, 20f.).
60 C34 ii 60-iii 26 is very similar to the passage rec-
orded in WBC vii 1–31 (Da Riva 2012, 57f.).
and celebration, the place where the proud ones are com-
pelled to submit.
(32–40) I fixed its foundations firmly with bitumen and
baked brick in the primordial nether world, at the edges of
the broad earth. I brought for its roofing mighty strong
cedars from Lebanon, the pure forest. I surrounded it with
a strong wall of bitumen and baked bricks.
(41–44) I proclaimed royal rights and lordly ceremonies in
it (the palace). I raised my hands, I implored to the lord of
lords, to the merciful Marduk went my prayers.
(45–59) O Marduk, lord of the lands, hear my utterances!
May I enjoy the palace I made! May I attain old age in it, in
Babylon! May I have the satisfaction of growing very old!
May I receive inside it substantial tribute of the kings of
the regions of the whole inhabited world! May my off-
spring rule forever inside it over the black-headed
(people)!
5 Archaizing Use of Signs in the
Prism and in C34
The Prism and the cylinder inscription C34 have in com-
mon the inconsistent use of older (archaizing) sign values.
This phenomenon is not unusual in Neo-Babylonian royal
inscriptions, since the composers of the texts tend to
stress the archaizing aspect of the inscriptions in order to
link them to the past, to ancient documents and earlier
periods in Babylonian history. The Old Akkadian and Old
Babylonian use of signs is quite frequent in Nabopolassar
texts (Da Riva 2013), in Nebuchadnezzar inscriptions such
as Brisa and Nahr el-Kalb (Da Riva 2012), and in some in-
scriptions of king Nabonidus (Schaudig 2001, 99–101).
The presence of these features in the Prism and in C34,
and the fact that both texts seem to have a common model,
would suggest that a Nabopolassar inscription could have
been the source of inspiration for the composers. After all,
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
226 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
the South Palace had been built by Nebuchadnezzar’s
father, and one would expect that foundation inscriptions
of Nabopolassar had been deposited in it. In the course of
Nebuchadnezzar’s work to enlarge the Old Palace, the
king could easily have found a text by his father Nabopol-
assar, as Nabonidus found the Imgur-Enlil inscriptions of
Nabopolassar (Schaudig 2001, 345). And this hypothetical
inscription could have been used as a model. Or perhaps
the scholars working on Nabopolassar’s texts were still ac-
tive under his son Nebuchadnezzar. Of course this is
speculation, but many of the archaizing features men-
tioned below do not appear in other Neo-Babylonian in-
scriptions, certainly not in ones of Nebuchadnezzar, while
they are not that rare in some Nabopolassar texts (Da Riva
2013).
– In the texts, typical “young” values such as šá and
šú are generally avoided, and a preference is given to ša
and šu, but there are some exceptions: Prism v* 38H: lú fá
pa -an; vi* 9:H dumu-fú fá mdag-ú-fi- ib -fi.
– In these texts there is a preference for ù instead of ú
in the middle and end of a word: Prism iii* 17H: [ra-b]í-ù-ti;
C34 i 5: mu-up-pa-ar-ku-ù; i 8: ra-bí-ù; i 41: ra-bí-ù; ii 10: ra-
bí-ù-tim. Note also the unusual use of u5 in Prism vi* 29H:
mden-le-u5-um.
– The uncommon use of ru4 for ru in the word farrutu
in the Prism (iii* 20: [f]a-ru4-ti-ja; v* 30H: far-ru4-ti-ja) is an-
other feature shared with the related text C34 (ii 45; iii 27,
41). This usage is archaizing and rarely attested in this kind
of text; however, ru4 for ru appears in some inscriptions of
Nebuchadnezzar, many of which – not surprisingly – deal
with work at the South Palace: C39 ii 7 (far-ru4-ti-fu); C25 ii
15 (far-ru4-ti-ja); C28 ii 12 (far-ru4-ti-ja); C29/1 i 1H (far-
ru4-ti-ja); C29/2 i 11, 18, 22; ii 5 (far-ru4-ti-ja). In Nabopolas-
sar’s royal inscriptions, farrutu written with ru4 is attested
in the Etemenanki inscription – far-ru4-ti-ja (NplC31/1: i 21;
ii 44, 51b; NplC31/2: ii 60) – and in the E’edinna inscription
from Sippar – far-ru4-tim (NplC22: ii 21).
– I have preferred to transcribe the Old Akkadian
writing da-núm = dannu as da-nu4, for example in Prism ii*
8; iii* 28H; iv* 22H; v* 3H: da-nu4-tim; C34 i 49; ii 5; iii 38:
da-nu4; C34 iii 25, 36: da-nu4-tim.
– The archaizing writing sa.tu.um (fadû) is used in
Prism iii* 12H and iv* 18H, as well as in the related text C34 i
21, 50; ii 32. sa.tu.um is usually employed in reference to a
type of drink. Otherwise, this writing is not very common
in Neo-Babylonian inscriptions. The writing appears in
the Nabopolassar Etemenanki inscription C31 (Da Riva
2013): kù.gi kù.babbar na4.na4 sa.tu.i / ù ti-à-am-te
(NplC31/1 ii 37–37b); kù.gi kù.babbar na4.na4 / sa.tu.i ù
ti-à-am-ta (NplC31/2 ii 44–45); ki-ma sa.tu.im (NplC31/1 iii
27); ki-ma sa.tu.im (NplC31/2 iii 23).
[
] [ ]
– Other cases of uncommon usage of signs in the First
Millennium BC are the following: bí for bi; ép/íp for ep/ip
in forms of epefu; pú instead of pu; qá for qa; qú or qù for
qu; sà for sa; sì for si; sú for su in forms of sululu; t·ú in-
stead of t·u; úh
˘
 instead of uh
˘
; and úr instead of ur. In per-
sonal names: Prism vii* 6H: mdamar.utu-numun-i-bí-in
and Prism vii* 9H: mdigi.du-numun-i-bí-in. Further occur-
rences are Prism v* 25H: qí-bí- ti -fu; C34 i 8, 41: ra-bí-ù; i 42:
ra-bí-a-am; ii 10, 12: ra-bí-ù-tim; iii 8: ra-bí-tim; iii 28: ra-bí-
a-tim; ii 39, 56, 58: la-bí-ri; iii 37: ú-bí-lam. The use of pú in-
stead of pu is often observed, especially with the verb
epefu: Prism iii* 21H: [e]-pú-uf; iii* 23H, 25H, 27H: e-pú-uf; v*
12H: e -pú- fu ; C34 i 40; ii 19, 41, 43, 45, 47, 49; iii 31:
e-pú-uf; iii 47: e-pú-fu; ii 4: i-pú-fu. Prism iii* 26H: qá-bu-ú;
iv* 7H: qá-tu-ú-a; iv* 9H: da -am-qá-a-ti; v* 20: qá-qá-dam;
C34 ii 3: sa-na-qá-am; iii 7: da-am-qá-a-tim; iii 19: qá-
tu-ú-a; iii 43: qá-ta; iii 59: qá-qá-dam; i 39: zi-qú-ra-at; ii 51:
qú-ud-mu-ú-tim; iii 11: da-am-qú(!)-tim; i 17: da-am-qù-tim;
Prism iv* 2H: sì-ma-a[t]; iv* 3H: sì-ra-af; iv* 12H: ú-fa-as- bi-
it-sì-na-a-ti; C34 i 12: sì-ir-de-e-fu; ii 30, iii 14: sì-ma-at; ii
31: sì-ra-af; ii 50: sì-ma-a-ti; iii 7: i-sì-na-a-ti-fu-nu; iii 15: sì-
ra-af; iii 33: er4-sé-tim; Prism vi* 13H: mdu.gur-re-sú-ú-a; iv*
15H: sú-lu-lu; C34 iii 37: sú-lu-li-fa; ii 25: tú-ub; Prism iv* 4H:
nu-úä-fi-im; iv* 23H: nu-úä-fi; C34 iii 16: nu-úä-fi; Prism iv*
19H: am-äu-úr; v* 1H: [a-gu]- úr -[ri]; v* 2H: [ä]u-úr-sa-ni-i[f];
v* 18H: lu-um-äu-úr; C34 iii 55: lu-um-äu-úr; ii 9: äu-úr-sa-
ni-if. The value úr is often encountered in royal names
(C34 i 1, ii 60: dna-bi-um-ku-du-úr-ri-ú-su-úr; i 7: dna-bi-um-
ibila-ú-su-úr) and in the names of walls (C34 i 42: im-gu-
úr-den.líl du-úr-fu).
– Also uncommon in contemporary documents are
forms like Prism iv* 33H: ì- lí ; v* 25H: sí-ir4-tim; v* 8H: tè- im ;
vii* 5H: uruli-mì-t[u]; C34 ii 6: ú-fa-às-äi-ir; ii 14: uf-ta-às-äi-
ir-fu; iii 5: à-af-ra-at; iii 28: ma-ar-ka-às; iii 40: ú-fa-às-äi-
ir-fu. One also encounters uncommon features such as à
at the beginning of a word: C34 iii 5: à-af-ra-at.
– The reading ni5-bi is preferred to ne-bi here. The ar-
chaizing value ni5 is often used in the Prism (iv* 3H, 22H: la
ni5-bi) and in its related text, the C34 cylinder (C34 ii 21:
ni5-sì-iq-tim; iii 15, 26: la ni5-bi). For the use of the value see
Borger (2003, 313) and Röllig/von Soden (1991, 22 no. 122).
6 Conclusions
EK 7834 is an unusual royal inscription. It is written on a
prism, an object frequently used for Assyrian royal texts,
but not for Babylonian documents of this kind. The in-
scription refers to building work to enlarge the Old Palace
at Babylon, the one built by Nabopolassar in the district of
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 227
Kadingirra. Other Nebuchadnezzar inscriptions (C011 and
C29) have this work as their main topic, and many other
Nebuchadnezzar texts refer to the enlargement of the pal-
ace as a secondary subject, most notably the Brisa inscrip-
tions. The enlargement of the Old Palace was considered
one of the key architectural achievements of Nebuchad-
nezzar’s early years, before the king decided to build the
Northern Palace outside the inner wall system. Interest-
ingly, one of the New Palace inscriptions, cylinder C34,
seems to be related to the Prism from a compositional
point of view: they share entire passages and they have in
common an archaizing use of signs and the use of certain
words and phrases that do not appear in other inscrip-
tions. I believe that both texts had a common model, per-
haps a Nabopolassar inscription, as their source of inspi-
ration. Another noteworthy aspect of EK 7834 is the
mention of a date, a very uncommon feature in Neo-Baby-
lonian royal inscriptions. To appear in a text of this kind,
the date – Nebuchadnezzar’s seventh regnal year (598
BC) – must have been particularly significant. In that year
substantial amounts of produce (dates, barley and wine)
were delivered to the storehouses of Esagil and the palace,
and they were reported in the inscription. So these de-
liveries must have had a political significance that we can-
not contextualize due to the lack of documentation. The
year 598 BC should not be understood as the date of com-
position of the inscription, but it is certainly its terminus
ante quem. The most striking feature of this text, however,
is the presence of long lists of provincial and imperial
officials of different status: provincial governors, tribal
chieftains, royal representatives, priests, palace staff and
so on; in fact, the whole Neo-Babylonian administrative
structure seems to be represented in the text. Jursa has re-
cently made a detailed study of the palace staff mentioned
in the Prism, comparing it with evidence from other con-
temporary documents and from some Assyrian texts, and
he concludes that thirteen or fourteen of the seventeen
titles of the highest officials of the empire in the time of
Nebuchadnezzar are of Assyrian origin (Jursa 2010a, 97f.).
There is no doubt that Neo-Babylonian structures of
power have a strong Neo-Assyrian imprint; but this in-
fluence cannot be simply the product of the reigns of
Åamaå-åum-uk\n, Assurbanipal and Kandalanu, but
must have more to do with the origins of the Neo-Babylo-
nian dynasty (and of Nabopolassar): a southern milieu in
which Neo-Assyrian political practices and structures pre-
dominated. Other features of Neo-Assyrian origin are
found in Neo-Babylonian times, such as certain royal
titles, iconographic motifs, and so on; thus, the political
structures should not be analysed as isolated phenomena.
Finally, the very shape of the Prism edited here is an
example of the effect of Assyrian political culture on the
Neo-Babylonian state; since Neo-Assyrian monarchs
wrote their royal inscriptions on prisms, the scribe of EK
7834 used the same type of object for a Babylonian royal
text. Moreover, despite the archaizing spellings and use of
signs, and the possibility of a Nabopolassar inscription
serving as a direct model for the Prism (and for C34), cer-
tain aspects of the text studied here recall Assyrian texts:
the lists of cities, lands and peoples, and the inclusion of
numbers and quantities.
Due to its fragmentary condition, EK 7834 does not
allow us to draw any further conclusions regarding the
composition of the Neo-Babylonian state and the number
and kind of officials employed in such an enormous politi-
cal apparatus. One can only hope that in the future new
fragments of the piece will come to light and that a fuller
reconstruction of the text will then be possible to help us
clarify the complexities of the little known Neo-Babylo-
nian imperial system.
Bibliography
Beaulieu, P.-A. (1998): Ba’u-as\ti and Kaååaya, Daughters of
Nebuchadnezzar II, Or 67, 173–201
– (2002): Ea-dayan, governor of the Sealand, and other dignitaries of
the Neo-Babylonian Empire, JCS 54, 99–123
– (2005): Eanna’s contribution to the construction of the North Pal-
ace at Babylon, in: H. D. Baker [et al.] (eds), Approaching the
Babylonian Economy. Proceedings of the START Project Sympo-
sium Held in Vienna, 1–3 July 2004. Veröffentlichungen zur
Wirtschaftsgeschichte Babyloniens im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr.
Band 2. AOAT 330. Münster, 45–74
Berger, P. R. (1973): Die neubabylonischen Königsinschriften.
Königsinschriften des ausgehenden babylonischen Reiches
626–539 a. Chr. AOAT 4/1. Kevelaer/Neukirchen-Vluyn
Black, J. A. (1987): Babylonian Textual Evidence, in: J. A. Black [et al.]
(eds), Habl as-Sahr 1983–1985: Nebuchadnezzar II’s Cross-
Country Wall North of Sippar. Northern Akkad Project Reports 1.
Gent, 15–20
Borger, R. (1967): Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur I. Berlin
– (1975): Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur II. Berlin
– (1984): Der Hofstaat Nebukadnezzars II., in: R. Borger [et al.] (eds),
Historisch-chronologische Texte I. Texte aus der Umwelt des
Alten Testaments I. Gütersloh, 405–406
– (1996): Beiträge zum Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals. Die Prismen-
klassen A, B, C = K, D, E, F, G, H, J und T sowie andere Inschriften.
Wiesbaden
– (2003): Mesopotamisches Zeichenlexikon. AOAT 305. Münster
Da Riva, R. (2002): Der Ebabbar-Tempel von Sippar in frühneubaby-
lonischer Zeit (640–580 v. Chr.). AOAT 291. Münster
– (2008): The Neo-Babylonian Royal Inscriptions. An Introduction.
GMTR 4. Münster
– (2009): The Nebuchadnezzar Inscription in Nahr el-Kalb, in: A.-M.
Afeiche (ed.), Le Site du Nahr el-Kalb. BAAL HS 5. Beirut,
255–301
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
228 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
– (2010): A lion in the cedar forest. International politics and pictorial
self-representations of Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562 BC), in: J.
Vidal (ed.) Studies on War in the Ancient Near East. Collected
Essays on Military History. AOAT 372. Münster, 165–193
– (2012): The Twin Inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar at Brisa (Wadi
esh-Sharbin, Lebanon):a Historical and Philological Study. AfO
Beiheft 32. Wien
– (2013): The Inscriptions of Nabopolassar, Amel-Marduk and Nerig-
lissar. SANER 3. Boston
– (in press a): The Neo-Babylonian Period (chapter 3.15), in: G. Rubio
(ed.), Handbook of Ancient Mesopotamia. New York
De Zorzi, N./M. Jursa (2011): The Courtier in the Commentary, NABU
2011/33
Driel, G. van (2001): Neriglissar, RlA 9, 228–229
Ellis, R. S. (1968): Foundation Deposits in Ancient Mesopotamia.
YNER 2. New Haven/London
Frame, G. (1992): Babylonia 689–627 BC. A Political History. (Reprint
2007). Istanbul
– (in press a): The Royal Inscriptions of Sargon II, King of Assyria
(721–705 BC). The Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian
Period 2
– (in press b): in: Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of
Art IV
Gadd, C. J. (1954): Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nimrud, Iraq 16,
173–201
Gehlken, E. (1990): Uruk. Spätbabylonische Wirtschaftstexte aus
dem Eanna-Archiv, Teil I: Texte verschiedenen Inhalts. AUWE 5.
Mainz
George, A. (1992): Babylonian Topographical Texts. OLA 40. Leuven
– (1993): House Most High. The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia.
MC 5. Winona Lake
Gerardi, P. (1986): Declaring War in Mesopotamia, AfO 33, 30–38
Glassner, J.-J. (2004): Mesopotamian Chronicles. Atlanta
Grayson, A. K. (1975a): Babylonian Historical-Literary Texts. Toronto
– (1975b): Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles. Locust Valley
Joannès, F. (1994): Une visite du gouverneur d’Arpad, NABU 1994/20
– (2004): The Age of Empires. Mesopotamia in the first millennium
BC. Edinburgh
Jursa, M. 2003: Observations on the problem of the Median “Empire”
on the basis of Babylonian sources, in: G. B. Lanfranchi [et al.]
(eds), Continuity of Empire (?). Assyria, Media, Persia. HANE/M
5. Padova, 169–179
– (2007): Die Söhne Kudurrus und die Herkunft der neubabylo-
nischen Dynastie, RA 101, 125–136
– (2008): Nabû-åarrussu-uk\n, rab åa-reåi, und “Nebusarsekim” (Jer.
39:3), NABU 2008/5
– (2010a): Der neubabylonische Hof, in B. Jacobs [et al.] (eds), Der
Achämenidenhof/The Achaemenid Court. Classica et Orienta-
lia 2. Wiesbaden, 67–106
– (2010b): (with contributions by Johannes Hackl et al.), Aspects of
the economic history of Babylonia in the first millennium BC.
Economic geography, economic mentalities, agriculture, the
use of money and the problem of economic growth. Veröffent-
lichungen zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte Babyloniens im 1. Jahrtau-
send v. Chr. 4. AOAT 377. Münster
– (in press): The Neo-Babylonian Empire, in M. Gehler [et al.] (eds),
Imperien und Reiche in der Weltgeschichte. Epochenübergrei-
fende und globalhistorische Vergleiche, 1–31
Kleber, K. (2008): Tempel und Palast. Die Beziehungen zwischen
dem König und dem Eanna-Tempel im spätbabylonischen Uruk.
Veröffentlichungen zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte Babyloniens im
1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. 3. AOAT 358. Münster
Koldewey, R. 1931. Die Königsburgen von Babylon, I. Teil: Die Süd-
burg. WVDOG 54. Leipzig
– (1932): Die Königsburgen von Babylon, II. Teil: Die Hauptburg und
der Sommerpalast Nebuchadnezars im Hügel Babil. WVDOG 55.
Leipzig
– (51990): Das wieder erstehende Babylon. München
Landsberger, B. (1933): Bemerkungen zu einigen in Ungers Babylon
übersetzten Texten, ZA 41, 287–299
Mignan, R. (1829): Travels in Chaldea in 1827. London
Munby, A N. L. (1960): Dispersal of the Thomas Phillipps Library.
Cambridge
Oppenheim, A. L. (31969): Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts,
in: J.B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the
Old Testament. Princeton, 265–317, 556–567
Radner, K. (2008): The delegation of power: Neo-Assyrian bureau
seals, in: P. Briant [et al.] (eds), in L’archive des Fortifications de
Persépolis. État des questions et perspectives de recherches.
Persika 12. Paris, 481–515
Robinson, W. H. (1948): Catalogue 77. A selection of Extremely Rare
and Important Printed Books and Ancient Manuscripts. London
Röllig, W./W. von Soden (1991): Das akkadische Syllabar. Analecta
Orientalia 42. Roma
Schaudig, H. (2001): Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und
Kyros’ des Großen samt den in ihrem Umfeld entstandenen Ten-
denzschriften. Textausgabe und Grammatik. AOAT 256.
Münster
Studevent-Hickman, B. (2008): Prisma, RlA 11, 4–6
Streck, M. P. (2001): Nebukadnezar II. A Historisch. RlA 9, 194–200
Tadmor, H. (1998): Nabopolassar and Sîn-åum-l\åir in a Literary Per-
spective, in: S. M. Maul (ed.), Festschrift für R. Borger zu Seinem
65. Geburtstag am 24. Mai. 1994 tikip santakki mala baåmu…,
CM 10. Groningen, 353–357
Tallqvist, K L. (1938): Akkadische Götterepitheta. Mit einem Götter-
verzeichnis und einer Liste der prädikativen Elemente der
sumerischen Götternamen. Helsinki
Taylor, J. (2011): Tablets as artefacts, scribes as artisans, in: K.
Radner [et al.] (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Cul-
ture. Oxford, 5–31
Tyborowsky, W. (1996): The Third Year of Nebuchadnezzar II (602 B.
C.) According to the Babylonian Chronicle BM 21946 – an
Attempt at an Interpretation, ZA 86, 211–216
Unger, E. (1931): Babylon. Die heilige Stadt nach der Beschreibung
der Babylonier. Berlin/Leipzig
Vanderhooft, D. S. (1999): The Neo-Babylonian Empire and Babylon
in the Latter Prophets. Atlanta
– (2003): Babylonian Strategies of Imperial Control in the West:
Royal Practice and Rhetoric, in: O. Lipschitz [et al.] (eds), Judah
and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period. Winona Lake,
235–262
Verbrugghe, G. P./J. M. Wickersham (1996): Berossos and Manetho,
Introduced and Translated: Native Traditions in Ancient Meso-
potamia and Egypt. Ann Arbor
von Voigtlander, E. N. (1963): A Survey of Neo-Babylonian History.
Thesis (Ph. D.). University of Michigan
Waerzeggers, C. (2010): The Ezida Temple of Borsippa. Priesthood,
Cult, Archives. Leiden
– (2012): The Babylonian Chronicles: Classification and Provenance,
JNES 71, 285–298
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 229
Weidner, E. F. (1935–36): Wissenschaftliche Berichte. Museen. Die
Antiken-Museen in Istanbul, AfO 10, 92–94
Weissbach, F. H. (1933): Babylon. Die heilige Stadt nach der
Beschreibung der Babylonier. Allgemeines, ZA 41, 255–287
Winckler, H. (1889): Die Keilschrifttexte Sargons II. Leipzig
Wiseman D. J. (1985): Nebuchadrezzar and Babylon. Oxford
Zaccagnini, C. (2012): Maps of the World, in: G. B. Lanfranchi [et al.]
(eds), Leggo! Studies Presented to Frederick Mario Fales on the
Occasion of His 65th Birthday. Wiesbaden, 865–873
Zadok, R. (1985): Repértoire Géographique des Textes Cunéi-
formes 8: Geographical Names According to New- and Late
Babylonian Texts. Beihefte zum TAVO B 7/8. Wiesbaden
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Editionhalf of the expected text conserved in the
lower part of the sides;7 and the new small fragment of col-
umn ii* contains about 10 % or 15 % of the original text in
the lower right part of the column. With these meager frag-
ments, we will try to present a comprehensive overview of
the Prism, its contents, and its outstanding value as an
historical source.
2 The Nebuchadnezzar Prism:
Contents, Form and Function
An Unusual Neo-Babylonian Prism
EK 7834 is inspired by Neo-Assyrian texts. It imitates the
external appearance of its Assyrian counterparts: royal in-
scriptions were frequently written on prisms in Assyria.8
In First-Millennium Babylonia, in contrast, prisms were
used to bear literary texts, texts recording (royal) dona-
tions of land, etc.,9 but never for building inscriptions,
which were habitually written on cylinders (Ellis 1968,
113f.).10 As has recently been noted, there is a clear opposi-
tion in the traditional use of each of these forms in Assyria
and in Babylonia: “Neo-Assyrian prisms (…) were the
functional equivalents of Neo-Babylonian barrel cylin-
ders.”11 I believe that the writing of a Neo-Babylonian in-
7 Given the fragmentary state of the piece, it is difficult to estimate
the relation between the name lists recorded in columns v*, vi* and
vii*; and the number of lines (and names) missing from the begin-
ning of the columns is uncertain, as is the length of the lists of offi-
cials recorded in them.
8 Ellis (1968, 108–125) discusses the differences between cylinders
and prisms, their uses, fabrication, etc. The observations of Borger
(1996, xvi-xvii) regarding the form, shape and fabrication of the
prisms are particularly interesting.
9 One such text is the prism fragment MMA 86.11.309+, recording do-
nations of land in the vicinity of Babylon. The text can be dated to
either Nabopolassar or Nebuchadnezzar II by internal evidence.
MMA 86.11.309+ will be published by G. Frame in a forthcoming
CTMMA IV volume. A photo of the piece is published on-line by the
Metropolitan Museum of Art: http://www.metmuseum.org/Collec-
tions/search-the-collections/30000561 (web page visited July 2012).
10 On the types of texts written on Babylonian-type prisms, see
Studevent-Hickman (2008, 5).
11 Taylor (2011, 25). However, in our case, we should not expect the
same quality of workmanship as that displayed by the Neo-Assyrian
prisms. EK 7834 is a poorly written text with rather deficient “calligra-
phy.” The quality of the writing (with omissions, and mistakes in the
writing of the signs), suggests that the scribe was not an expert. The
possibility that EK 7834 was a school exercise (or the copy a student
made of an original inscription) is unattractive to those who have
used (or would like to use) the Prism as a key historical source, but
one should not rule this possibility out of the question.
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
198 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
scription on a prism is an attempt to emulate and copy As-
syrian models.
Neo-Babylonian royal inscriptions hardly ever con-
tain references to quantities or numbers,12 but Prism iv*
25H–31H contains a reference to the large amounts of dates,
barley and wine stored in the Esagil and the palace. The
quantities we find mentioned in the Prism convey the idea
that the king, through the abundant contents of the
temple and royal storehouses, is guaranteeing supplies
for the people; he is expressing his power, generosity and
magnificence, as well as his imperial control over the
land – both its agricultural production and the popu-
lation. The presence of quantities, however, brings im-
mediately to mind some Neo-Assyrian inscriptions in
which lists containing large numbers of cities, goods,
prisoners, and booty are frequently encountered.
There is another feature in the inscription that recalls
Assyrian texts: the list of court officials, land dignitaries
and Levantine kings, which seems to imitate, in a positive
way, the pattern of the enumeration of captured and van-
quished lands and chieftains so often present in Neo-Assy-
rian inscriptions. One might compare the list with the
Nimrud Prism of Sargon II (column vi)13 and its account of
the battles against Marduk-apla-iddina and Sargon’s seiz-
ure of strongholds in southern Babylonia (Gadd 1954,
186). In the Nebuchadnezzar Prism, grouping the court of-
ficials and the dignitaries of cities and regions in the same
way as the Neo-Assyrians did when they listed their van-
quished enemies may be a way of affirming imperial con-
trol over the peoples and regions mentioned.
If one briefly examines the evidence from the first
years of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign, the affirmation of im-
perial control may be more than simple rhetoric to embel-
lish the description of building works. The Prism’s termi-
nus post quem is Nebuchadnezzar’s seventh year (598 BC).
The “Neo-Babylonian Chronicle Series” (Grayson 1975b;
Waerzeggers 2012) do not mention any unusual event in
that year, apart from the customary campaigns in 2atti
(Glassner 2004, 230), but from the chronicles themselves
we know that Nebuchadnezzar’s power had been by no
means uncontested in Babylonia. In his accession year,
for instance, he had to hurry down to Babylon from 2atti
in order to assume power upon the death of his father (Da
12 Perhaps with the exception of references to years and the number
of cedars used to build certain temples, as one can see in some in-
scriptions of Nabonidus such as the E3ul3ul cylinder (AOAT 256,
409–440 2.12.). These references are usually to very high numbers,
stressing the length of time taken and the large size of the buildings.
13 Edited by Gadd (1954); a new edition by G. Frame is in preparation
(RINAP 2).
Riva in press a). Later, Nebuchadnezzar’s younger brother
Nabû-åum-l\åir is referred to, in a fragmentary context, in
the entry of the chronicle for the third year (Glassner 2004,
228). This unusual mention has aroused a great deal of de-
bate regarding the possibility that Nabû-åum-l\åir partici-
pated in a rebellion against his brother (von Voigtlander
1963, 93; Wiseman 1985, 758; Tyborowsky 1996), especially
since he is not mentioned again after 602 BC. In Nebu-
chadnezzar’s 10th year, the chronicles record a rebellion in
Babylonia: “[The] ten[th year, the king of Akk]ad (re-
mained) in his country. From the month of Kislev to the
month of Tebeth [there was] an uprising in Akkad […]. He
executed many of his [troops], captured his adversary.
[Later], he marched on 2atti; [all] the kings of(!) [2atti
cam]e [int]o [his presence, (and) he received] their mass-
ive tribute [and] went back [to] Ba[bylon]” (Glassner 2004,
230f.). One may thus assume that the king was far from se-
cure on the throne, and the phraseology of the Prism, with
its unusual list of court and land officials, may be a way of
asserting his dominion over the land and his firm control
over the government and all the officials and dignitaries
from the palace and from provincial and local adminis-
trations.
There is also a symbolic side to these lists, which has
to do with the kind of inscription in which they appear. It is
no coincidence that, wherever these or similar lists are en-
countered, the texts in question deal with certain types of
construction work: a palace, a ziqqurrat, or a defensive
wall system. These building projects were presented as a
political achievement of the utmost importance, as the
phraseology used in such inscriptions as C29, C34, C41,
C041, WB, etc. demonstrates (see also the commentary to
Prism v* 21H–34H below). In the texts, we see that deliveries
of tribute and booty from the subjected populations were
made in the palace: “O Marduk, lord of the lands, hear my
utterances! May I enjoy the palace I made! May I attain old
age in it, in Babylon! May I have the satisfaction of growing
very old! May I receive inside of it substantial tribute from
the kings of the regions of the whole inhabitedworld! May
my offspring rule forever inside it over the black-headed
(people)!” (C34 iii 45–59). The palace, the royal residence,
had a special significance as the centre of the empire –
“a palace, my royal abode, link of the extensive people,
dwelling place of joy and celebration, place where the
proud ones are compelled to submit” (C34 iii 27–31) – and
also as the site where political decisions were made and re-
ligious ceremonies connected with the power were held –
“I proclaimed the royal [rites] and the lordly ceremonies
[inside] of it (the newly built palace)” (Prism v* 7H–10H)
The construction of the palace is seen as the culmi-
nation of a building program aimed at glorifying Marduk
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 199
and the other gods of Babylonia. In this respect, the fol-
lowing passage in the Brisa inscription is highly revealing
(WBC viii 41–75): “I am intent on the renovation of the cult-
centres of the gods and goddesses, to which the great lord
Marduk has prompted my heart, I provide for the cult-
centres, I renew the sanctuaries. With the renovation of
the cult-centres of the gods and goddess, I began to build
in Babylon a palace, my royal dwelling place. To the com-
mand of my lord the great lord Marduk, and of the great
gods my lords, a palace, a house for the astonishment of
the people, link of the [land, pure chapel, my royal sanc-
tum], I built in the district of Kadingirra which is in Baby-
lon. (I did) what no former king had done: I fixed its foun-
dations firmly at (as deep as) the primordial nether world,
at the edges of the broad earth, level with the (under-
ground) waters. I built it high as a mountain with bitumen
[and baked brick. I stretched] for its roofing [strong] cedars
[from Lebanon]. Strong wall […] land […].”
Neo-Babylonian Geography
The lists in the Prism are a primary source for our knowl-
edge of Neo-Babylonian geography, as they allow the re-
construction of the regions and areas belonging to the em-
pire during Nebuchadnezzar’s reign. It is interesting to
compare the evidence from the Prism with the lists from
the Etemenanki (C41) and E’urmeiminanki (C041) cylinder
inscriptions. The similarity between certain passages in
the texts confirms the inclusion of the territories in the em-
pire, and also indicates the order in which lands and re-
gions were listed or grouped in Babylonian “geographi-
cal” and mental maps.14 The sequence of toponyms in
these inscriptions apparently follows a geographical pro-
gression from south to north and from east to west. But the
texts are fragmentary and, in the case of the Prism, large
sections of the lists are missing; the geographical connec-
tion between the sites is far from certain. In any case, as
both the Prism and C41/C041 refer to building projects of
nation-wide importance, one may wonder whether the ob-
servable geographical divisions were important for carry-
ing out the imperial building projects, or for the levy of
taxes, the imposition of corvée to undertake projects of
this kind, and so on. A good example of a geographical list
is found in the Etemenanki text, C41: 85*–122*:
(85) i-na e-pé-fu é-temen-an-ki / e-mi-id-su-nu-ti tu-up-fi-ik-ku /
úrimki unugki ud.unugki / eriduki kul-a[ba4
ki] / uruné-mé-ed- d [la-
gu-da] / (90) kurú-ga-ar- d [zuen?] / na-ap-äa-a[r kur ti-a-am-
14 On Babylonian maps, see Zaccagnini (2012).
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
tim] / fa- ap-li-tim / if-tu re-e-fi-fa / a-di if-di-fa / nibruki ì-si-
inki / (95) la-ra-ak[ki dil-batki mar-daki] / kurpu-qu-du kuré-[da-
ku-ru] / kuré-a-mu-ka-a-nim kuré-[si-la-a-nim] / kurbi-ra-a-[ti] / bàd.
dingirki a-ga-dèki [urubàd-far-ru-ki-in] / (100) kurar-ra-ap-äa kurla-
äi-[ri kurx x] / na-ap-äa-ar kurak-[ka-di-im] / ù ma.da [su.bir4
ki] /
lugalmeå fa e-[be-er ti-a-am-tim] / lúpi-äa-[ta-a-tim] / (105) fa
ma.[daäa-at-ti] / if-tu ti-[a-am-tim e-li-tim] / a-di ti-[a-am-tim fa-
ap-li-tim] / ma.dafu-[me-ri ù ak-ka-di-i] / ma.dasu.bir4
ki k[a-la-fi-na]
/ (110) lugal na-gi-i ne-su-tim / fa qé-re-eb ti-a-am-tim / e-li-tim /
lugal na-gi-i ne-su-tim / fa qé-re-eb ti-a-am-tim / (115) fa-ap-li-
tim / šagina.šagina / ma.daäa-at-tim / né-bé-er-ti-ídburanunki /
a-na e-re-eb dutufi / (120) fa i-na a-ma-at / damar.utu be-lí-ja /
be-lu-ut-su-nu a-bé-lu-ma “(…)
In order to build the Etemenanki, I imposed upon them the tup-
fikku-basket: Ur, Uruk, Larsa, Eridu, Kullab, Nemed-[Laguda],
Ugar-[Sîn?], the entirety of [the lands of the Lower Sea], from the
top to the bottom, Nippur, Isin, Larak, [Dilbat, Marad], Puqudu,
B\t-[Dakkuri], B\t-Amukkani, B\t-[Åilani], B\ra[tu], Der, Agade,
[Dur-Åarruku], Arrap3a, La3\[ru, …], the entirety of Ak[kad] and
Assyria, the kings of E[ber-nari], the provincial governors of
2atti, from the [Upper S]ea, to the [Lower S]ea, Su[mer and
Akkad], Assyria, a[ll of them], the kings of far-away districts in
the midst of the Upper Sea, the kings of far-away districts in the
midst of the Lower Sea, the governors of 2atti, Neberti-Purattu,
to the sunset, over whom I exercise my rule by the word of my
lord Marduk (…).”
In C41 we encounter the following regions of the empire:
1. The Sealand in the south, with the delta of the Eu-
phrates and Tigris. This region was the core of the
Chaldean settlement and included the ancient cities
of Ur, Uruk and Larsa.15
2. Akkade, which comprised central and northern Baby-
lonia, including some regions in the Transtigridian
area, some “tribal” regions (Aramean Puqudu and
Chaldean B\t-Amukkani) and some of the most im-
portant cities, such as Babylon, Borsippa, Nippur,
Cutha and Sippar.16
3. Assyria, which was situated to the north and east of
Akkad, along the Tigris, with centres such as Arrap3a
and La3\ru.
These three areas, which correspond to the traditional
geographical composition of Mesopotamia, formed the
territorial core of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. Beyond this
area, the land becomes less defined in the inscriptions.
15 Ur, Uruk, Larsa, Eridu, Kullab and Nemed-Laguda were privileged
cities and exempt from paying taxes in the times of Sargon II (George
1992, 250).
16 These cities had some special rights within the empire: a certain
degree of autonomy and special treatment derived from their role as
cultic centres.
[ ]
[ ]
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
200 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
Nebuchadnezzar refers vaguely to a series of regions and
administrative units such as the “the other side of the (Eu-
phrates) River (Eber-nari),17 “2atti,” and the “distant re-
gions in the midst of the Upper Sea and of the Lower Sea”
(the Mediterranean and the Gulf). The inscriptions also
refer to Neberti-Purattu, an apposition to 2atti perhaps.18
The “Neo-Babylonian Chronicle Series” also have
some information on the geographical divisions of the pe-
riphery of the empire (Glassner 2004, 214–238). In these
texts, the term used for this area is piäatu, without any ref-
erence to explicitly defined provinces. There is a piäat
Ninua, a piäat Uraftu and a piäat Äamatu (Glassner 2004,
220. 224. 226). Neither Urartu nor Hamath was ever a prov-
ince in the Neo-Assyrian period and there is no evidence
they were provinces in Neo-Babylonian times. The term
piäatu in the chronicles gives no clear information on the
administrative or legal status of the regions referred to;
one should cautiously translate it as “region,” in a geo-
graphical sense, and not render it as “province” or as an
administrative unit of any kind. The text “King of Justice”
is another source for reconstructing the extent of the em-
pire in the time of Nebuchadnezzar:19 “[Upon] conquering
(the regions) from Egypt as far as [2]umê, the city of Pi-
riddu, the city of Ludu, [Mar]3aãi (…).” (AOAT 256, 584 P2.
v 20–22). All these places but Mar3aãi are located in Asia
Minor. The text then refers to kings of faraway regions
(nagû) in a fragmentary context;but the composition has
no information about how these regions were organized
and they seem to be included in a vague area beyond the
known limits of the empire.
This combined evidence suggests that the periphery
of the empire was loosely organized in a sort of irregular
network of regions under more or less direct Babylonian
control. One refers to these areas as “provinces” because
they were ruled by bel piäati and fakkanakku officials, but
the way in which they were organized is uncertain and one
cannot surmise how far these administrative units repro-
17 Eber-nari usually refers to Northern Syria. It was ruled by kings
and apparently was not made into a province; it was perhaps less
tightly controlled than inland Syria.
18 2atti refers roughly to Syria and the Levant, especially to the
northern part of the region (Da Riva 2008, 19–23). 2atti was appar-
ently ruled by provincial governors (bel piäati) and fakkanakku offi-
cials. In the chronicle of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar,2atti is treated
as a geographical region, for it is normally preceded by the determi-
native kur, and not referred to as a piäatu (Glassner 2004, 228–230).
19 If one accepts that the composition refers to him. The most recent
edition of the text is AOAT 256, 579–588 P2. Most authors identify the
king mentioned in the text as Nebuchadnezzar, but Schaudig thinks
the text refers to Nabonidus. On this problem, see also Streck (2001,
195).
duced former Neo-Assyrian provincial models. Finally,
one must note that there are no Neo-Babylonian sources to
demonstrate that the empire was divided into provinces,
as the Neo-Assyrian Empire had been.20 Beyond these
provinces, in the coastal cities and Phoenician kingdoms,
Nebuchadnezzar ruled through semi-independent vassal
kings who paid him tribute. As noted by Vanderhooft
(1999, 94–99), there is a clear parallel between the regions
mentioned in C41 and the territories listed in the Prism.
The region encompassed by the cities named in the
first part of the list in C41 (South of Babylonia) corre-
sponds roughly to the geographical range of the list of
fangû-officials21 (“(temple) administrators”) in Prism vii*
1H–12H:
“Er\b-Sîn, the fan[gû of …]; Muåezib-Bel, the fan[gû of …]; (PN),
the fangû [of …]; Åum-uk\n, the fangû of Dur-Y[ak\n];22 Banija,
the fangû of Lim\tu; Marduk-zer-ibni, the fangû of Madakalåu;23
Åulaja, the fangû of Nemed-Laguda;24 Åumaja, the fangû of Kul-
lab; Nergal-zer-ibni, the fangû of Udannu;25 Marduk-ereå, the
fangû of Larsa; Nabû-(mu)k\n-apli, the fangû of Kissik; Bel-
upa33ir, the fangû of Bakuååu.”26
20 There is some evidence from administrative texts of a governor
(bel piäati) of Arpad (region of Aleppo) in Nebuchadnezzar’s 19th year
(Joannès 1994, Nbk. 74 and CT 56, 439). References of this kind are ex-
tremely rare and in this case it is perhaps connected with the deport-
ation of Judean exiles to Babylonia. Jerusalem had fallen the same
year and Arpad is on the route from Ribla3 to the Euphrates (Vander-
hooft 1999, 99f.). On the whole, the presence of Babylonia in the pe-
riphery is poorly documented. There are some data on envoys of
Babylonian institutions in western cities, such as Tyre, Qadesh and
Neirab (Kleber 2008, 154). Further evidence for the Babylonian pres-
ence in the West comes from non-cuneiform sources, such as the
Saqqara papyrus and certain Biblical narratives (Vanderhooft 1999,
102–104).
21 The terms fangû, bel piäati (“governor”) and qipu (“royal repre-
sentative”) are left untranslated in the edition below.
22 Dur-Yak\n, Lim\tu, Kullab and Kissik are settlements in B\t-Yak\n
(Zadok 1985, 93. 122. 200. 202. 212).
23 Madakalåu was a town in the Sealand, in B\t-Yak\n (Kleber 2008,
250f.).
24 Probably a city in the Sealand region (Zadok 1985, 237).
25 Udannu was close to Uruk and Larsa (Zadok 1985, 317f.; Kleber
2008, 106).
26 Bakuååu is located in the south of Babylonia (Zadok 1985, 63).
Nemed-Laguda, Kissik, Larsa, Madakalåu and Kullab are also in the
south of Babylonia, some of them in B\t-Yak\n. Nemed-Laguda and
Kullab were probably close to each other; they are mentioned to-
gether in the C41 and C041 inscriptions (Vanderhooft 1999, 37133; Da
Riva 2012).
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 201
Compare with the parallel passage in C41 87*–93*:
“Ur, Uruk, Larsa, Eridu, Kullab and Nemed-Laguda.”
The area delimited by the cities mentioned in the second
part of the Etemenanki list is more or less the region ad-
ministered by the magnates of Akkad mentioned in the
Prism; it includes central Babylonia and the Transtigri-
dian region south of the Lower Zab. Note that the Prism in-
troduces the section with “The magnates of Akkad,” and
C41 concludes it with “and the entirety of Ak[kad] and As-
syria.” So in the Prism vi* 19H–32H:
“The magnates of the land of Akkad: Ea-dayyan, the governor of
the Sealand; Nergal-åarru-usur, the simmagir; Nadin-a3i, (gov-
ernor) of 4uplijaã;27 Bel-åum-iåkun (governor) of Puqudu; Bibea
descendant (= governor) of Dakkuru; Nadin-a3i, the fangû of
Der; Marduk-åarra-usur (governor) of Gambulu; Marduk-åar-
rani, the bel piäati of Sumandar;28 Bel-le’i, descendant (= gov-
ernor) of Amukkanu; Remutu, the faknu of Zamê;29 Nabû-e5ir-
napåati, the faknu of Japt\ru.”30
And in cylinder C41: 94*–102*:
“Nippur, Isin, Larak, [Dilbat, Marad], Puqudu, B\t-[Dakuri],
B\t-Amukkani, B\t-[Åilani], B\ra[tu], Der, Agade, [Dur-Åarruku],
Arrap3a, La3\[ru, …], the entirety of Ak[kad] and Assyria.”
The Prism is fragmentary, and most of the list of officials,
cities, provinces and lands is not preserved. The last sec-
tion of col. vii* refers to kings of Levantine cities. The Ete-
menanki cylinder does not mention them directly, but
subsumes them under the geographical region Eber-nari.
In the Prism vii* 23H–29H we can read:
“The king of Suru; the king of 2azzati; the king of S\dunu; the
king of Armada;31 the king of Aådudu; the king of Mir[…]; the
king of […].”
27 For 4uplijaå, see Zadok (1985, 315).
28 Sumandar is mentioned in the Prism, not in C41. There is also a
Sumandar near Uruk (Zadok 1985, 275).
29 Zadok (1985, 333). Zamê is a region in eastern Babylonia, but the
city of Zamê is near Uruk.
30 Japt\ru is an area on the Uqnû River (Zadok 1985, 188). Note that
Puqudu, Amukkanu, Der and Dakkuru/(B\t)-Dakkuri, occur in both
lists. Der is located east of the Tigris, as is Sumandar (Frame 1992,
291).
31 Arwad was included within the province of Simirra in Neo-Assy-
rian times. It is surprising to see that it had a king under Nebuchad-
nezzar. Possibly the city reverted to a native kingship after the dissol-
ution of the Assyrian provincial system (Vanderhooft 1999, 97146).
And in the Etemenanki inscription C41 103*–119*:
“The kings of E[ber-nari], the provincial governors of2atti, from
the [Upper S]ea to the [Lower S]ea, Su[mer and Akkad], Assyria,
a[ll of them], the kings of far-away districts in the midst of the
Upper Sea, the kings of far-away districts in the midst of the
Lower Sea, the governors of 2atti, Neberti-Purattu.”
One may speculate whether the list of names in Prism vii*
13H–22H (Jursa 2010a, 68+5), preceding the Levantine kings,
may refer to some governors (bel piäati) and royal repre-
sentatives (qipu) of cities in the western regions. The sec-
ond half of each line is missing and none of the geographi-
cal names can be reconstructed. As none of these persons
can be identified with certainty,32 this idea remains a mere
hypothesis. Prism vii* 13H–22H:
“(PN), the qipu of […]; Iba, the bel piäati of Dur-[…]; Åalam-beli,
the bel piäati of […]; Zeria, the bel piäati of […]; Zabina#, the qipu
of […]; Åumaja, the qipu of […]; Adad-a3-iddin, the bel piäati of
[…]; Nabû-zer-uk\n of A[…]; Anu-\puã, the qipu of […]; Bel-åum-
iåkun the qipu of […].”
The Officials
Information from the Nebuchadnezzar Prism, together
with that from the Etemenankiand E’urmeiminanki cylin-
ders (C41 and C041), forms our basis for reconstructing the
geographical subdivisions of the Neo-Babylonian Empire,
the regions included therein, and their administrative
status. The list of personal names, officials, cities, regions
and finally Levantine rulers is arranged according to a
hierarchy. Within the lists, the officials are grouped to-
gether by geographical area. One should note, however,
that the lists are far from complete, and some crucial evi-
dence is probably missing. In the preserved sections, the
lists proceed as follows: first come the palace officials,
then the governors of provinces and tribal regions, and
finally officials in charge of the Babylonian cities of the al-
luvium.
The list of officials and royal appointees is preceded
by a sentence that explains their presence in the inscrip-
tion, v* 28H–34H: “In order to build the palace, a house for
the astonishment of the people, my royal abode, I gave to
them the hoe, and I made them take up the work assign-
ment building walls (…) the implementation of the corvée
work I assigned to my personal officials.” The list then be-
gins with the highest-ranking palace staff (v* 35H–40H) and,
32 The only one identifiable is Zeria, and he was certainly not a gov-
ernor from the western regions; see nt. 41.
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
202 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
after a lacuna of more than 30 lines (the whole upper half
of col. vi*), palace officials of lower status appear (vi*
1H–18H). In vi* 19H there is a rubric (“The magnates of the
land of Akkad”) and then comes the list of the governors of
the regions adjacent to the core, the rulers of areas with
special status, and the leaders of Chaldean and Aramean
tribes (vi* 20H–32H). Half of the following column (column
vii*) is missing and, after the lacuna, we find a list of high
priests from cities outside the core area (vii* 1H–12H) and
then provincial governors and royal representatives of ad-
ditional cities (vii* 13H–22H). The last section preserved in
this column lists seven vassal kings of Levantine cities
(vii* 23H–29H). A detailed study of these titles and the func-
tions these people performed may help us to understand
the manner in which these lists are arranged in the in-
scription.
– Group 1. High palace officials
v* 35H–40H: “(PN), the high administrator; Nabû-zer-iddin, the
chief baker; Nabû-zer-ibni, the chief treasurer; X-
(mu)k\n(?)-a3i, the palace superintendent; Sîn-abu-usur, the
major domus; Atkal-ana-mar-Esagil, the chief of the royal
guard.”
The highest officials from the palace mentioned in the
Prism are led by the mafennu, an administrator of the hi-
ghest rank (Jursa 2010a, 280f.; in press, 9–11). The name of
the mafennu is not given – perhaps the scribe did not
know it, or perhaps at that time no mafennu was in office.
The word should not be interpreted as a general title for
“court official,” as some authors have done in the past;33
the mafennu was a high-ranking administrator with re-
sponsibilities related to the water system, the delivery of
agricultural products to the crown and the governance of
royal land. Also connected with this official is the bit ma-
fenni, an institution with a variety of functions: the resi-
dence of the mafennu, the source of natural produce for
palace provisions, the estate of the mafennu, etc. The evi-
dence points to an Assyrian origin for this official since he
is not attested in Babylonia before the end of the Neo-As-
syrian period. In Assyria, the mafennu was an official of
very high rank with duties related to the treasury; he be-
longed to the monarch’s inner circle, and was also a prov-
incial governor.
The office of “chief baker” (rab nuäatimmi) was occu-
pied at that time by a certain Nabû-zer-iddin, who is at-
tested in other contemporary sources (Jursa 2008; 2010,
33 Oppenheim (31969, 307) and Vanderhooft (1999, 95). See the ob-
jections by Jursa (2010a, 8073).
82). Despite his title, the precise functions of this high of-
ficial are uncertain. He seldom seems to have been active
outside the city of Babylon, though his emissaries are
mentioned in archives from different cities in the land.
Perhaps he was directly responsible for the royal table, as
his title would indicate; in this case, the term “chief
baker” would not be a royal title, but rather descriptive of
a real function. In Assyrian sources, the rab nuäatimme
was in charge of the royal banquets and the provision of
rations for the court. As in the case of the mafennu seen
above, the rab nuäatimmi does not appear in Babylonian
sources before the end of the Assyrian domination.
A certain Nabû-zer-ibni, the “chief treasurer” (rab ka-
siri), appears as the third most important official in the
list.34 The rab kasiri was responsible for the royal treasury,
as many sources indicate; and he had his own adminis-
tration (Jursa 2010a, 82f.). As in the case of the former two
officials, the rab kasiri is a position of Assyrian origin and
is not attested in Babylonia before the fall of Nineveh. The
name of the fa pan ekalli (“palace superintendent”) men-
tioned in v* 38H is not fully preserved (see the commentary
to that line). The fa pan ekalli was a very influential offi-
cial in the royal household, one who acted as a kind of
superintendent of building works connected to the palace
and the crown. The title is also of Assyrian origin and ap-
pears in Babylonia for the first time during the reign of
Åamaå-åum-uk\n in the seventh century BC.35 The major
domus Sîn-abu-usur is attested in administrative docu-
ments of the period (Jursa 2010a, 83f.). He was the highest
administrator of the royal household, but, as the texts
seem to indicate, he had his own household as well. Like
the officials already mentioned, the rab biti has an Assy-
rian origin and appears here for the first time in a Babylo-
nian document. The last official mentioned in column v*
is Atkal-ana-mar-Esagil, the bel tabiäi, also called rab ta-
biäi in other sources (the “chief of the royal guard”). He
had a significant role in the military: he appears just after
the king and the crown prince at the head of the army, to-
gether with the rab mungi and the rab fa refi. One would
expect these latter two officials to appear in the first lines
of col. vi* of the Prism, after the bel tabiäi.36 There is a
large body of data regarding the Neo-Babylonian army in
34 The title rab kasiri means “chief of the tailors”; it is a court title
and does not describe the function performed by the official.
35 The name Nabû-bunu-åutur from the kudurru mentioned by Jursa
(2010a, 8393) may refer to the father of the fa pan ekalli and not to his
family name.
36 Other high officials of the empire that one could expect in this
part of the text are the sartennu or “chief judge,” the sukallu or “great
visir,” and the zazakku, a sort of “royal secretary” (Jursa 2010a, 90f.).
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 203
the Old Testament, in the context of the Babylonian at-
tacks on Jerusalem, and Jursa (2010a, 85–88) has pres-
ented a very detailed review of it, identifying the main
military officials: simmagir, rab mungi, rab tabiäi and rab
fa refi.37 Note that the rab tabiäi present in the Jerusalem
campaign of 587 BC (Nbk 18) was Nabû-zer-iddin; clearly,
our Atkal-ana-mar-Esagil was no longer in office. The bel /
rab tabiäi is already known as a high official in Babylonia
during the seventh and sixth centuries BC.
– Group 2. Palace officials of lower rank
vi* “(…) (1H–18H) (…); Ina-q\bit-Bel-akåud (…); Bel-ereå, the chief
[of accounts]; Ardia, the high administrator of the house of the
women of the palace; Bel-uballi5, the scribe of the house of the
women of the palace; Sillaja, the chief tracker; Nabû-a3-usur,
the chief of the light cavalry; Muåallim-Marduk, son of Nabû-
uåebåi; Er\båu, thesupervisor of the (female) domestic staff;
Nabû-bel-usur, the supervisor of the (female) domestic staff;
Nabû-zer-ibni, the cupbearer; Nergal-resû#a, the chief singer;
Arad-Nabû, the alphabet scribe of the crown prince; Ea-iluni,
the supervisor of the (royal) flocks; Remutu, the supervisor of
the (royal) flocks; Nabû-mar-åarru-usur, the chief boatman;
2anunu, the chief of the royal merchants.”
The preserved portion of column vi* is the lower half of the
column, and it contains a list of secondary palace offi-
cials.38 The first name on the list is Ina-q\bit-Bel-akåud,
but his title is missing. The same person is cited in docu-
ments from Uruk together with other royal officials, but
his title is not mentioned. The rab nikkassi (“chief of ac-
counts”) was responsible for accounts regarding cattle,
tithes and erbu; this official is often mentioned in contem-
porary administrative documentation. The title seems to
be of Assyrian origin and is not attested in Babylonia be-
fore the end of the Assyrian domination. The reference to
officials belonging to the “female quarters” (bit sekreti) of
the palace demonstrates the existence of administrative
structures parallel to those of the main palace and the
semi-independent condition of the queen’s house within
the palace system (Jursa 2010a, 70f.). The inscription men-
tions a mafennu fa bit sekreti, a sort of high administrator
37 See also Jursa (2008) for the confusion of the rav tabbaäim Nevu-
zaradan in Jer. 39:13 with the rab nuäatimmi Nabû-zer-iddin of Prism
v* 36H. The simmagir will be discussed below. For the fa refi, “court-
ier” (perhaps “eunuch”), see Jursa (2010a, 87f.) and also De Zorzi/
Jursa (2011).
38 For these officials see Jursa (2010a, 88–91). Another official of As-
syrian origin is the fa äutari perhaps to be rendered “staff-bearer”
(CAD 2, 265), who appears in a fragmentary passage in the “Nabo-
polassar Epic” in the context of the coronation of Nabopolassar
(Grayson 1975, 84f.).
of that part of the palace, a scribe of the female quarters
(the equivalent of the royal scribe for the main royal pal-
ace, who unfortunately is not mentioned in the preserved
sections of the text). Both the mafennu and the scribe were
the highest administrators in the women’s quarters. The
supervisor of the palace servants (rab amilati) – in this
case referring to female staff – is an administrator often
found in Neo- and Late-Babylonian texts from the temples
Ebabbar and E’anna; this official was also responsible for
the group of female millers and flour workers (Jursa
2010a, 89). The titles rab redi kibsi (“chief tracker”) and
rab kallabi (“chief of the light cavalry”) are Neo-Assyrian
and only appear in this Neo-Babylonian text. Nabû-zer-
ibni, the faqû or “cupbearer” mentioned in this text, is
probably not an ordinary cupbearer, but rather the rab
faqê or “chief of the (royal) cupbearers,” a high official of
the empire. He is seldom mentioned in Neo-Babylonian
sources and his functions are difficult to define. Perhaps
he was responsible for royal ceremonies, like the “chief
baker.” According to the available sources, he was an offi-
cial of very high rank and had his own household and es-
tate. The title is unknown in Babylonia before the Neo-As-
syrian period. In Assyria, the “chief of the (royal)
cupbearers” is one of the highest officials of the empire.
The “chief singer” (rab zammari) rarely appears in Babylo-
nian sources, but he is often mentioned in Neo-Assyrian
texts. The “alphabet scribe of the crown prince” (sepiru fa
mar farri) was a member of the prince’s household. This
prince, probably Amel-Marduk, is not mentioned in the
preserved columns. The “supervisor of the (royal) flocks”
(rab buli) is not conclusively attested. His functions can-
not have differed greatly from those of the rab buli known
from temple archives (Jursa 2010a, 89f.). According to the
palace archives, the function of the “chief boatman” (rab
malaäi) was to transport food supplies for the palace. He
was a high-ranking official who is documented with his
own household and estate. The title “chief of the royal
merchants” (rab tamkari fa farri) is of Neo-Assyrian ori-
gin. The functions of this royal appointee were to do with
long distant trade, as befits someone with a West-Semite
or Phoenician name such as 2anunu.
– Group 3. Magnates of Akkad
vi* (19H–32H) “The magnates of the land of Akkad: Ea-dayyan, the
governor of the Sealand; Nergal-åarru-usur, the simmagir;
Nadin-a3i, (governor) of 4uplijaå; Bel-åum-iåkun (governor) of
Puqudu; Bibea, descendant (= governor) of Dakkuru;
Nadin-a3i, the fangû of Der; Marduk-åarra-usur (governor) of
Gambulu; Marduk-åarrani, the bel piäati of Sumandar; Bel-le’i,
descendant (= governor) of Amukkanu; Remutu, the faknu of
Zamê; Nabû-e5ir-napåati, the faknu of Japt\ru.”
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
204 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
This section contains a list of officials under the heading:
“the magnates of Akkad.” This term refers to governors
(faknu) of territories in the south and east of Babylonia,
(provincial) governors (bel piäati), and some officials
called fangû (“high priest”). The list begins with Ea-
dayyan, the governor of the Sealand, one of the most
prominent officials during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar
(Beaulieu 2002). The Sealand was the home of the B\t-
Yak\n, the largest and most important of the Chaldean
tribes, and it was also the original home of Nabopolassar’s
family (Jursa 2007; Da Riva in press a). The significance of
the Sealand is also demonstrated here, since its governor
is mentioned just before the simmagir, the governor of a
large province in the Transtigridian area. The post of sim-
magir was occupied at the beginning of Nebuchadnezzar’s
reign by a certain Nergal-åarru-usur, who can be reliably
identified as the future king Neriglissar (Jursa 2010a,
85–88). Neriglissar had been an influential and wealthy
landowner (van Driel 2001, 228) of Aramean origin who,
according to Berossos, married one of Nebuchadnezzar’s
daughters and later ousted Amel-Marduk.39 In the follow-
ing lines, governors of tribal areas and provinces are men-
tioned. As the organization of the Neo-Babylonian Empire
is not well known, it is difficult to determine the difference
between a faknu governor and a provincial governor (bel
piäati). As many of the regions referred to in the text are
sites of tribes and centres of tribal areas, the governors
may be mentioned as “descendant of” or simply “of” the
region in question. We find in the text the governors (in
fact tribal chieftains rather than governors) of 4uplijaå,
Puqudu,40 Dakkuru, Gambulu, Amukkanu, Zamê and
Japt\ru. Among these people, one finds references to the
fangû of Der and the provincial governor (bel piäati) of
Sumandar.
– Group 4. Local governors and rulers: high priests, govern-
ors, royal representatives and Levantine rulers
vii* “(…) (1H–12H) Er\b-Sîn, the fan[gû of …]; Muåezib-Bel, the
fan[gû of …]; (PN), the fangû [of …]; Åum-uk\n, the fangû of Dur-
Y[ak\n]; Banija, the fangû of Lim\tu; Marduk-zer-ibni, the fangû
of Madakalåu; Åulaja, the fangû of Nemed-Laguda; Åumaja, the
fangû of Kullab; Nergal-zer-ibni, the fangû of Udannu; Marduk-
ereå, the fangû of Larsa; Nabû-(mu)k\n-apli, the fangû of Kissik;
Bel-upa33ir, the fangû of Bakuååu. (13H–22H) (PN), the qipu
of […]; Iba, the bel piäati of Dur-[…]; Åalam-bel, the bel piäati
39 Verbrugghe/Wickersham (1996, 60). This princess was probably
Kaååaia (Beaulieu 1998; Joannès 2004, 130).
40 Bel-åum-iåkun of Puqudu is probably Neriglissar’s father; the evi-
dence is presented in Da Riva (in press a).
of […]; Zeria, the bel piäati of […];41 Zabina#, the qipu of […]; Åu-
maja, the qipu of […]; Adad-a3-iddin, the bel piäati of […]; Nabû-
zer-uk\n of A[…]; Anu-\puå, the qipu of […]; Bel-åum-iåkun the
qipu of […]. (23H–29H) The king of Suru; the king of 2azzati; the
king of S\dunu; the king of Armada; the kingof Aådudu; the
king of Mir[…]; the king of […].”
In column vii*, the last preserved section with name lists,
there are four clearly differentiated groups of officials:
high priests from several provincial cities in the south of
the country (vii* 1H–12H), royal representatives (qipu) of
some cities (13H), bel piäati (13H–22H) and Levantine vassal
rulers mentioned only by the name of their respective city
(23H–29H). Unfortunately, as the right side of the column is
not preserved, in most cases the geographical names or
functions associated with these personal names and titles
are missing.
None of these officials, governors and rulers are men-
tioned in the Prism merely because they belonged to the
imperial administration or the court or because they were
royal appointees. The inscription should not be under-
stood as a simple list of imperial and local officials. As
Vanderhooft (1990, 93) and Jursa (2003, 17540) have
pointed out, this is not a “Hofkalender”, but a royal in-
scription including a list of persons and lands belonging
to the empire’s administrative structure. I would add that
a text of this kind is not unusual in the Neo-Babylonian
period; the ziqqurrat inscriptions C41 and C041, among
others, also contain lists of lands and peoples. So the func-
tion of the lists in the Hofkalender should be put in per-
spective with other documents. Lists of names appear in
these inscriptions because the king assigns corvée work to
these officials, lands and regions on the occasion of the
construction of buildings of nation-wide significance,
such as ziqqurrats (C41 and C041) and the royal palace
(Prism).42
In this regard, the Prism is not an unusual inscription.
Other texts have similar (if less detailed) lists of names
and lands; there are earlier parallels in some Neo-Assyrian
texts and in the building inscriptions of Nabopolassar. It
has been shown that Kal3u was partly built with corvée
work by conquered populations and that Sargon II’s pro-
41 This Zeria was not a provincial governor, but a Babylonian oficial
called bel piäati fa é ad in some texts, which Jursa (2010a, 74–76)
identifies with the bel piäati fa Esagila. This official was responsible
for the levy of agricultural taxes for the crown. One might consider
the possibility that the other bel piäati mentioned in vii* 13H–22H were
not territorial governors, but rather administrative staff of the palace
at Babylon.
42 See some observations by Vanderhooft (1990, 93–95); Beaulieu
(2005, 49f.).
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 205
jects at Dur-Åarruk\n were also carried out partly by forced
labour (Beaulieu 2005, 50). In Neo-Babylonian inscrip-
tions, certain building projects seem to have had a par-
ticular significance in the political programme. In the con-
struction of ziqqurrats, city walls, palaces43 and public
works for the general welfare (such as projects to change
or maintain the course of rivers and canals), the inscrip-
tions explicitly mention the participation of the Babylo-
nian population as labourers.44 These texts also help de-
termine the extent of the levy, and the cities and regions
where the recruitment took place. A good example is pro-
vided by the Nabopolassar inscriptions regarding the
(re)building of the inner wall system of Babylon and the
construction or repairs conducted in some of that city’s
temples. In the Imgur-Enlil cylinder C11, the workers as-
signed to reconstruct the wall are defined as coming from
the entire country: “(Regarding) Imgur-Enlil, the great
wall of Babylon, which had become dilapidated and had
collapsed before my time, I firmly established its foun-
dations on the original base. I built it anew with a levy of
workers from my country, (…)” (C11/A2 5–19). In other in-
scriptions, the origin of the workforce is specified in
greater detail, for instance in the text regarding work on
the E3ursantila temple of Ninurta in Babylon: “I called up
the workers of Enlil, Åamaå and Marduk, I made them
carry the hoe, I laid (on them) the tupfikku-basket, to com-
plete the works on the unfinished temple” (C12/1 25–27).
Similar wording is found in C32 ii 31–32, the long version
of the inscription recording work on Imgur-Enlil. The
workers “belonging” to the three divinities (Enlil, Åamaå
and Marduk) are also mentioned in C23, the text that refers
to works on Nemetti-Enlil, if the reconstruction of that
fragmentary section of the cylinder is correct: “(…)
[I called up] the workers of [Enlil, Åamaå and] Marduk,
great(?) (…) in the four cardinal points (…)” (C23 ii 1–4).
But some lines earlier, the call to participate in the work
programme seems to include other population groups:
“On that day, upon all my work force I imposed the tupfik-
ku-basket, I made them carry hoe and spade. The people
of the countries north and south whose lead-rope Nabû
and Marduk put in my hands (…)” (C23 I 14–19). It is uncer-
tain whether the mention of Enlil, Åamaå and Marduk
refers just to recruitment from the work forces belonging
43 Compulsory work was also imposed for the construction of the
North Palace, as confirmed by administrative texts (Beaulieu 2005,
50ff).
44 The organization of local or nation-wide levies to take part in
large-scale construction programmes is well documented in the ad-
ministrative texts (Beaulieu 2005; Jursa 2010b, 661–669; Waerzeggers
2010, 337–344).
to the main temples of those gods (Ekur, Ebabbar and Esa-
gil), such as firkus or other kinds of temple dependants, or
whether it refers more generally to workers coming from
the cities where these divinities were patron gods: Nippur,
Sippar (and perhaps Larsa), and Babylon. In any case,
such compulsory work, either in the form of corvée or per-
haps by means of a payment of some sort, seems to have
been frequent in the case of structures of collective, public
or national significance, such as ziqqurrats, palaces, the
city walls of Babylonia, and probably also temples like
Esagil. One would presume that the central adminis-
tration kept records of the regions, cities and local admin-
istrations that were responsible for contributing corvée la-
bour for building projects and that this work was
organized in detail. An allusion to this practice is found in
the cylinder C29, written to celebrate the construction of
the South Palace.45
C29/2 ii 5–9: a-na é.gal mu-fa -ab far-ru4-ti-ja / ki-fa-ad-su- nu
ú-ka-an-ni -if-ma / ú-fa-af-fa-a [tu-up-f]i-kam / fa-ri-di-i
ma.da.ma.[da] [ra-ap-fa-a]- ti / fu-ma-an-fu-un af-tú-úr-ma
af-[ku-un-fu-nu-ti dul-lu]
“I made them bow their necks to the palace, my royal abode,46 I
made them lift the tupfikku-basket, I wrote the names of the
high officials47 of the [widespre]ad countries and I made [them
perform the work].”
45 There are two known exemplars of the cylinder. The first one
(C29/1) is fragmentary and was found im Schutt at the NE corner of the
South Palace of Babylon. Only eleven lines from the first column are
preserved. The second exemplar (C29/2) is complete, but its origin is
unknown. Neither of the exemplars has been collated.
46 See the variant to this idea of the palace in C34 iii 27–30: é.gal
mu-fa-ab far-ru4-ti-ja / ma-ar-ka-às ni-fim ra-bí-a-tim / fu-ba-at ri-fa-
a-ti ù äi-da-a-tim / (30) a-far ka-ad-ru-tim uk-ta-an-na-fu “A palace,
my royal abode, link of the great people, dwelling place of joy and
celebration, the place where the proud ones are compelled to sub-
mit.”
47 The writing faridu for afaridu is often found in NB personal
names such as mfá-rid (Gehlken 1990, 87; note that the Arabic etymo-
logy of Zadok that he cites is wrong); mfá-rid-du (TCL 9 107: 1); mden-
fá-rid (Nbk. 227: 14); mdu.gur-fá-rid (AnOr 8, 2: 34), I owe these refer-
ences to M. Jursa. The term afarid mati is not attested as a title and it
is probably used here as a collective name to refer to the high officials
of the land, analogous to the use of rabûtu mati (CAD R 36f.). Winck-ler Sar 31: 31: itti kimti nifuti zer bit abifu afaridduti matifu “with his
and his wife’s families, all the male descendants of his paternal
house, the high court officials of his country.” The afaridu (CAD A/II
417f.) was a court official of high rank. The letter SAA 18, 201 (ABL
1074) r. 13 mentions the high officials (lúsag.kalmeå) of Nippur.
[ ] [
]
[ ]
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
206 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
Assyrian Influence on the Babylonian State
The use of a prism for the text and the imitation of Neo-As-
syrian patterns should not be seen as isolated phenom-
ena, but rather as part of a general tendency observable in
the Neo-Babylonian period. It has been mentioned before
that the Neo-Babylonian Empire in general, and king Ne-
buchadnezzar in particular, often copy, reproduce and
imitate Neo-Assyrian models (Da Riva 2009; 2010). Jursa
has argued that Neo-Babylonian institutions and power
structures are clearly influenced by Assyrian models. As
we have seen, most of the officials mentioned in the Prism
have titles of Assyrian origin, because many Neo-Babylo-
nian administrative structures were established according
to Neo-Assyrian patterns after the fall of Assyria (Jursa
2010a, 97–99).
Assyrian influence on certain Neo-Babylonian royal
epithets has also been observed (Da Riva 2008, 99–107).
The iconographic language of the Nebuchadnezzar rock
reliefs (at Brisa and Wadi as-Saba in Lebanon) was based
on Neo-Assyrian models, like the image of the rampant lion
displayed on the Neo-Assyrian bureau seal (Radner 2008).
By means of this pictorial expression, Nebuchadnezzar im-
plicitly asserted the legitimacy of Babylonia’s imperial ter-
ritorial claims (Da Riva 2010, 179). The reproduction and
imitation of Neo-Assyrian patterns (imperial adminis-
trative structures, the use of a prism for a building inscrip-
tion, and the image of the rampant lion from the royal seal
in the western representations, among other items) can be
understood as a way of demonstrating the political (if not
dynastic) continuity between the two empires. But this ap-
propriation of Assyrian symbols, motifs and models af-
firms and demonstrates the victory over Assyria and the
annexation of most of the territory of the former Assyrian
empire.48 At one and the same time, Assyria was feared, but
also admired; contested, but also imitated. An eloquent
example is the site of Nahr el-Kalb, where the Nebuchad-
nezzar inscription on the northern side of the river faces
and challenges the Neo-Assyrian ones on the southern side
in the same way as Babylonian and Assyrian armies had
opposed each other on the Levantine and Syrian battle-
fields (Da Riva 2009, 290f.; 2010, 171f. 182).
For many centuries, social and political contact be-
tween Assyria and Babylonia had been very close, and
48 The victory over Assyria is often celebrated by Nabopolassar and
included in the literary and historiographical motifs created during
his time. It can be seen in the text Gerardi (1986), in the “Nabopolas-
sar Epic” (Grayson 1975a, 78–86 no. 7; Tadmor 1998) and in the epi-
thets and topics of most of the royal inscriptions composed in the
time of Nabopolassar (Da Riva 2013).
there were many “Assyrian” elements in Neo-Babylonian
culture and viceversa. It is uncertain whether this in-
fluence dates from the time of Åamaå-åum-uk\n or from
the reign of the puppet-king Kandalanu,49 or whether it
developed during the Neo-Babylonian period. One could
also argue that this Assyrian ascendancy in Babylonia was
directly related to the history of Nabopolassar (Jursa
2007), the founder of the empire, who established its ad-
ministrative and institutional apparatus. In this case, Na-
bopolassar’s activities during his reign may have been
dedicated not only to liberating Babylonia from the Assy-
rians and consolidating the land, but also to organizing
(on the basis of Assyrian models!) the institutions of the
empire after many centuries of political dependence on
Assyria.50 Perhaps his son followed and completed the
work of his father, or perhaps it was Nebuchadnezzar who
himself took on the immense task of organizing such a in-
stitutional project. In any case, the terminus ante quem for
the composition of the Prism inscription (598 BC) points to
a very early development of Assyrian-inspired institutions
of this kind in Babylonia.
3 Text Edition
Object: Fragment of a hollow prism made of clay. It origin-
ally had eight sides (each corresponding to a column), but
only fragments of six sides (columns) are preserved today.
It cannot be a prism with ten sides as suggested by Weiss-
bach (1933, 258), because the missing parts clearly corre-
spond to only two sides.
Place of preservation: Arkeoloji Müzeleri, Istanbul.
The prism is now in the museum’s storerooms, in the
section of monumental objects, but in the 1930s it was on
display in Room I of the Assyro-Babylonian collection of
the Ancient Orient section of the Antiquity Museums
(Weidner 1935–1936, 92).
Object number: EK 7834.
49 A study of the administrative material from the Ebabbar of Sippar
has not revealed any substantial divergences between texts drafted
during the reign of Kandalanu and documents dated to the reigns of
Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar (Da Riva 2002). The evidence
from Uruk seems to point in the same direction.
50 Obviously the previous Assyrian political dominion over Babylo-
nia left an enduring influence in the type of administrative apparatus
that the Chaldean kings decided to establish. In any case, it seems
that the Neo-Babylonian kings did not or could not follow previous
Babylonian models, for these were long forgotten after so many cen-
turies of external interference.
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 207
Dimensions: Maximum preserved height: 23.4 cm;
diameter: 23.6 cm. The original, complete prism was prob-
ably between 45 and 50 cm high. This is the usual size of a
Neo-Assyrian prism (Taylor 2011, 25). The hollow space in
the centre of the piece is wider than the openings at the ends,
and the walls of the prism are thicker towards those ends.
Provenance: Found by R. Koldewey in rubble in the
South Palace, in the southwest corner of the western ex-
tension (Erweiterungsbau), also called westliches Vorwerk
in Koldewey’s publications (Koldewey 51990, 134). The
find is not mentioned in Koldewey’s 1932 monograph on
the North Palace and the Summer Palace, which includes
the reports of the excavations in the Erweiterungsbau.
Work on the building is described by Koldewey (1932,
27–29). However, the excavation report does not mention
the Prism, nor do the plans published in that volume show
its location. Perhaps it was among the objects stolen from
the mission’s house in Babylon between 1917 and 1926,
like many tablets from the “Palace Archive” of Nebuchad-
nezzar (Jursa 2010a, 68). Koldewey’s account of the work
carried out each year (51990, 8) suggests that the exca-
vators were probably working on this structure in 1906.
Copy: See here copies I–VI.
Photo: Unger 1931, pl. 52–56; see here photos 1–6.
(Photograph: Rocio Da Riva, Composition: Cristina Terré)
Writing: Contemporary, six columns with
10+28+36+40+32+29 lines preserved. Each column corre-
sponds to a face of the prism. The columns have an aver-
age width of 8.3 cm; they are ruled and the lines run per-
pendicular to the axis of the prism; the line height is
0.5–0.7 cm. There is a ruling line at the end of each column
and an uninscribed area below this measuring between 1.7
and 2 cm in height. There is no vertical ruling line dividing
the columns.
Bibliography (editions, studies, commentaries and
updates): Unger (1931, 35f. 284f.); Berger (1973, 313, with
bibliography); Oppenheim (31969, 307f.); Borger (1967,
578; 1975, 300; 1984, 405f.); Vanderhooft (1999, 41f. 93–99.
240); Beaulieu (2002, 99–101); Kleber(2008, 312); Da Riva
(2008, 9f.); Jursa (2010a, 67–106; in press, 8–12).
Date: After Nebuchadnezzar’s seventh regnal year
(598 BC).
Notes: Collated in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum
in September 2011. Both the lower left section of column iii*
(iiH) and column ii* (iH) belong to a new fragment (5×5.5 cm),
which was joined after Unger’s edition. The fragment was
already known in 1930: “Saal I: Nr. 7834, die grosse Prisma-
Inschrift Nebukadnezars II. aus Babylon, veröffentlicht von
Unger, Babylon, S. 282ff., ergänzt durch ein neu gefun-
denes Fragment” (Weidner 1935–1936, 92). Berger (1973, 59)
refers to the fragment and so does Vanderhooft (1999, 93134),
but it is published here for the first time. The prism has
been partially restored and consolidated with gypsum.
Surprisingly, on finding the piece, Koldewey (51990,
134) referred to it as the lower part of a prism with eight col-
umns (sides). Yet only six columns – the five published by
Unger and the small fragment – are preserved today. Either
all eight sides of the lower part of the prism were preserved
when Koldewey found it, and two of them are lost today, or
he was referring to the total number of sides of the piece,
even if only six were preserved when he found it. Note that
Koldewey does not give any further information on the ob-
ject; he does not even identify it as a Neo-Babylonian text.
Perhaps the Prism was found late in the season and no de-
tailed notes were taken. In any case, it was taken to Istan-
bul; it is uncertain whether some fragments of the object
may have ended up in Berlin or Baghdad.
Remarks on this Edition
This edition does not follow the numeration of the col-
umns established by Unger in the first publication, and
followed in subsequent partial editions, citations, and
studies of the text. The presence of the new fragment (col-
umn ii*) allows some observations regarding the general
structure of the text and the possible reconstruction of the
whole inscription. The original inscription had eight col-
umns, of which only fragments of six are preserved. Unger
numbered the columns of the fragments he published
from i to v, column i being the first one from the left of the
piece and column ii the one immediately to its right, and
so on. However, a study of the contents of the text demon-
strates that his column i is not the first column of the orig-
inal inscription since it contains the usual description of
buildings and offerings (in this case for the Ezida in Bor-
sippa) that one would not expect at the beginning of a
royal inscription, but rather in the inuma-section, or cen-
tral section. If my reconstruction is correct, Unger’s col-
umn i is column iii* of the original text. The unpublished
fragment also contains a reference to activities regarding
Borsippa, and I have numbered it column ii*. The original
column i* of the inscription, where one would find the
presentation and introductory sections with the name of
the king, titles and epithets, and the allusions to Babylon
and Esagil, etc., is missing. The following column of the
text is column ii*, the new fragment, since it has the be-
ginning of the description of Ezida and Borsippa; columns
iii*–vii* of the original text correspond to the preserved
columns iiH–viH of the Prism (in which the list of names is
included), and the last column of the text (a hypothetical
column viii*) is not preserved.
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
208 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New EditionRocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
Text
Column i* is not preserved
Column ii* (iH)
1H [giåerinmeå fa ina la]- ab-na-nim
2H [qí-if]- tu el-le-tim
3H [fa ina qá-ti-ja e]l-le-e-ti ak-ki-is-ma
4H [ana bar]-sí-pà ú-bi-la-am-ma
5H [ina kù.gi nam]-ri ú-fa-al-bi-if-ma
6H [na4.na4 ni-sì-iq-]- ti ú-za-#-im-ma
7H [a-na su-lu-lu-fu] ú-fa-at-ri-is
8H [suh
˘
uš-fu-nu ina e-re]- nim da-nu4-tim ú-fa-ar-
fid(!)-ma
9H [i-na ud.ka.bar] ru-uf-fa-a
10H [ú-da-an-ni-in] ri-ik -si-fu-un
Column iii* (iiH)
1H [in kù.gi kù.babbar na4.na4 ni-sì-iq]- tu
2H [e-ra-a giåmes.má.gan.na e-re]- nim
3H [ú-za-#-in fi-ki-in-fu dag ù dna-n]a-a
4H [(en.en-e-a) in äi-da-a-ti ù re-fa-a]-ti
5H [fu-ba-at tu-ub li-ib-bi qé-er-ba-fu ú-fe]-fi-ib
6H [fa u4-um 1en gu4.mah
˘
ma-ra-a gu4.šu.]du7
7H [16 pa-si-il-lum bi-it-ru]- tim
8H [qá-du-um fa dingir.dingir ba-ar-zi-p]aki
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
[ ]
Col. ii* (…) (1H–10H) [cedars that in the Le]banon, (their)
pure f[orest] I cut down [with my pu]re [hands] and I
brought [to Bor]sippa, I coated with br[ight gold], decor-
ated with pre[cious stones] and stretched [for its roofing]. I
fixed securely [their foundations] with strong [cedars],
and [I reinforced] their structure [with] ruddy [bronze].
(…).
Col. iii* (…) (1H–5H) [I adorned its structure with gold,
silver], pre[cious stones, copper, musukkannu-wood and
ce]dar-wood. I established [my lords Nabû and Na]naja,
[in joy and exultation inside a dwelling of (their) content-
ment].
(6H–14H) [Every day one gumaäu-bull, fattened “un-
ble]mished”; sixteen out]standing [pasillu-sheep; inclus-
ive of what (pertains) to the gods of Borsip]pa: [a string of
Figs 1, 2: EK 7834, column ii* (iH)
Column of the original text (*reconstructed) Preserved column Unger’s 1931 edition
i* (Introduction, titles and epithets) – –
ii* (inuma-section: narrative section of the text) iH (viii)
iii* (inuma-section: narrative section of the text) iiH i
iv* (inuma-section: narrative section) iiiH ii
v* (inumifu-section: main topic – construction of the palace;
concluding section of the text; list of names)
ivH iii
vi* (list of names) vH iv
vii* (list of names) viH v
viii*(list of names(?) and another concluding section of the text(?)) – –
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition 209
Fi
g
s 
3
, 
4
: E
K
 7
8
34
, c
ol
um
n 
iii
* 
(i
iH)
Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II's Prism (EŞ 7834): A New Edition
210 Rocio Da Riva, Nebuchadnezzar II’s Prism (EK 7834): A New Edition
9H [i-si-iä nu-ú-nim is-su-ru-um ú-f]u-um-mu
10H [pé-la-a sì-ma-at ap]- pa -ri-im
11H [di-if-pa äi-me-tim fi-iz-ba-am] ú -ul -am-nim
12H [fi-ka-ar sa.tu].um ka-ra-nam e-el- lam
13H [giåbanšur dna-bi-um ù] dna-na-a
14H [enmeå-e-a e-li fa pa-nim ú]-da-af-fi
15H [fa u4-um 8 udu.udu gi-né-e] d nè-eri11-gal
16H [ù dla-as dingir.dingir fa é]- mes -lam ú-ki- in(!)
17H [sa-at-tu-uk ì-lí ra-b]í-ù-ti ú-uf(?) -pa-ar-zi-i[ä-ma]
18H [eli gi-né-e la-bí-r]i gi-na-a ú-fa-te-er
19H é -[babbar-ra fa] ud .kib.nunki
20H fa (?) [a-na(?) dutu na-ra-am f]a-ru4-ti-ja
21H mu- rap -[pi-if nu-ú-ri e-ef-fi-if e]-pú-uf
22H a-na d[utu en-ja] é-babbar -ra é- su
23H in qé-[re-eb urula-a]r-sa e-pú-uf
24H é-kif-nu-gá[l fa u]rímki a-na dzuen bé-e- la
25H na-ra-am [o] far-ru4-ti-ja e-pú-uf
26H a-na d lugal .[o] ásal qá-bu-ú da-am--ti-ja
27H é -[dúr-gi-n]a é-su in qé-ré-eb uruba-as e-pú-uf
28H [x x x x x] x li mu-ga-ar-ri-in ka-re-e fe-im da-
nu4- tim
(End of col. iii*)
Column iv* (iiiH)
1H [(x x) ú-fu]- um-mu [pé-e-la-a]
2H [ku6
meå mušenmeå] sì-ma-a[t ap-pa-rim]
3H [ti-bi-ik] sì-ra-af la ni5-bi ma-mi -[if ka-ra-nam]
4H [fa-at-t]i-fa-am in nu-úä-fi-im ù h
˘
é. gállam
5H in ma-[äa]-ri-fu-nu e-te-et-ti-iq
6H ni-fim [r]a-ap-fa-a-ti fa damar.utu bé-e-la
7H ú-ma-[a]l-lu-ú qá-tu-ú-a
8H in tè- im fa dé-a i-fi-ma-am
9H in da -am-qá-a-ti
10H af-te-ne-#-(erasure)-e-fi-na-a-ti
11H ús-su ki-i- na ri-id-dam da-am-qu
12H ú-fa-as- bi -it-sì-na-a-ti
13H in fe-e- di -ja id(!)-mi-qa
14H in la-ma-si- ja im-mi-ra
15H in fa-ri-im ú -ri-im in mé-äe-e sú-lu-lu
16H e -li-fi- na at-ru-us-ma
17H a-na ba-bi- lamki [o] ka -la-fi-na ú- ka -an-ni-if
18H bi-la-at ma.da.ma. da äi-sí-ib sa.tu.um
19H bi-fi- it ma-ti-ta- an qé-er4-ba-fu am-äu-úr
20H a-na sí-il-li-fu da -ri-i ku-ul-la-at ni -fim
21H ta-bi-if (erasure) ú-pa-aä-äi-ir
22H ka-re-e da-nu4-tim la ni5-bi af-ta-ap-pa-ak-fu
23H pa-le-e nu-úä-fi fa-na-a-ti h